larger federated whole. A federal legislature would have exercised home-grown American control over the American Assemblies; it would have given a wider and fuller scope to American democracy, enlarging the views, making the individual leaders greater and wider in mind; it would have been the body with which England would have dealt; and the dealings would have been those of ‘Partners in the legislation of the Empire’. This was in his mind when he earnestly recommended that the grant of constitutional privileges to the Canadian provinces should be from the first accompanied by the creation of a general government for British North America, including the maritime provinces as well as Upper and Lower Canada. [Sidenote: The General Legislature contemplated by Chief Justice Smith would have been a subordinate Legislature.] [Sidenote: The Chief Justice did not contemplate colonial self-government in its fullest form.] But, if this general government was to be a partner in the legislation of the Empire, it was clearly to be, in the view of the Chief Justice, a subordinate partner. The last of his proposed additions to the Bill began in the following terms: ‘Be it further enacted ... that nothing in this Act contained shall be interpreted to derogate from the rights and prerogatives of the Crown for the due exercise of the Royal and Executive authority over all or any of the said provinces, or to derogate from the Legislative sovereignty and supremacy of the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain.’ In other words he re-affirmed the principle, which the old colonies had rejected, that they were subordinated to the Parliament of the mother country as well as to the Crown; and he showed clearly in the clause empowering the Crown to appoint Executive Councils apart from the Legislature, that the Executive power was to rest not in British North America but in Great Britain. The general government of British North America was to be a partner in the legislation of the Empire, but not in the Executive, and even in the legislative sphere it was to take a second place. Theoretically, and to some small extent practically also, the Dominion Parliament is still a subordinate partner in legislation, so far as Imperial questions are concerned; but, since the days of Lord Durham, colonial self-government has included control of the Executive in the colony. Chief Justice Smith had therefore not contemplated or foreshadowed the colonial self-government of the future.