A history of criticism and literary taste in Europe, from the earliest texts to the present day. Volume 3 (of 3), Modern criticismSaintsbury, George
History
A history of criticism and literary taste in Europe, from the earliest texts to the present day. Volume 3 (of 3), Modern criticism
Saintsbury, George
Criticism -- History; Literature -- History and criticism; Literature, Medieval
It begins with sufficient boldness and originality (indeed “W. W.” was
never deficient in either) with admission that “by writing in verse, an
author is supposed to make a formal engagement that he will gratify
certain habits of association,” and merely urging that these habits have
varied remarkably. The principle here is sound enough; it is in effect
the same which we have traced in previous “romantic” criticism from
Shenstone onwards; but the historical illustrations are unfortunate.
They are “the age of Catullus, Terence, and Lucretius” contrasted with
that of Statius and Claudian, and “the age of Shakespeare and Beaumont
and Fletcher” with that of Donne and Cowley or Dryden and Pope. The
_nisus_ of the school towards the historic argument, and, at the same
time, its imperfect education in literary history, could hardly be
better illustrated. For, not to quibble about the linking of Statius and
Claudian, the age of Catullus and Lucretius was most certainly _not_ the
age of Terence; and the English pairs are still more luckless. Donne
_and_ Cowley, Shakespeare _and_ Beaumont and Fletcher, are bad enough in
themselves: but the postponement of Donne to the twin dramatists, when
he was the elder of Fletcher probably by six or seven years, of Beaumont
by ten or twelve, is rather sad. However, it is not on history that
Wordsworth bases his attack.
[Sidenote: _The argument against poetic diction, and even against
metre._]
His object, he tells us, was to choose incidents and illustrations from
common life; to relate and describe them, as far as was possible, in a
selection of language really used by men; and at the same time to throw
over them a certain colouring of imagination, whereby ordinary things
should be presented to the mind in an unusual aspect—a long but much
less forcible appendix examining why the life so chosen was not merely
“ordinary,” but “rustic and humble.” The kernel of his next paragraph is
the famous statement that all good poetry is “the spontaneous overflow
of powerful feelings,” and then, after a little divagation, he sets to
work to show how such a style as he was using was adapted to be the
channel of such an overflow. He utterly refuses Personification: he “has
taken as much pains to avoid what is called Poetic Diction as is
ordinarily taken to produce it”; he “has at all times endeavoured to
look steadily at the subject with little falsehood of description”; and
he has not only denied himself false poetic diction, but many
expressions in themselves proper and beautiful, which have been
foolishly repeated by bad poets till they became disgusting. A selected
sonnet from Gray[351] is then rather captiously attacked for the sake of
showing (what certainly few will admit) that, in its only part of value,
the language differs in no respect from that of prose: whence the
heretic goes farther and, first asserting that there is _no_ essential
difference between the language of Prose and that of Poetry, proceeds in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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