A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present dayGide, Charles
History
A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present day
Gide, Charles
Economics -- History
But the means? On this point Sismondi shows extraordinary timidity.
Appeal to the legislator is not followed up by a plan of campaign, and
in moments of scepticism and despair he even doubts whether reform is
ever possible. He declares himself an opponent of communism. He rejects
the Utopias of Owen, of Thompson, and of Fourier, although he recognises
that their aim was his also. He failed to perceive that his “breaking
up” process was quite as illusory as the communistic Utopias which he
shunned. He rejected Owen’s system because he saw the folly of attempting
to substitute the interest of a corporation for that of the individual.
But he never realised that it had nothing to do with a corporation, and
it is possible that were he alive at the present time he would be an
ardent champion of co-operation.
But until the union of property and labour is realised Sismondi is
content with a demand for a simpler reform, which might alleviate
the more pressing sufferings of the working classes. First of all he
appeals for the restoration, or rather the granting, of the right
of combination.[426] Then follows a limitation of child labour, the
abolition of Sunday toil, and a shortening of the hours of labour.[427]
He also demanded the establishment of what he called a “professional
guarantee,” whereby the employer, whether agriculturist or capitalist,
would be obliged to maintain the workman at his own expense during
a period of illness or of lock-out or old age. This principle once
admitted, the employers would no longer have any interest in reducing
the wages of the workman indefinitely, or in introducing machinery or in
multiplying production unduly. Having become responsible for the fate
of the workers, they would then take some account of the effect which
invention might have on their well-being, whereas to-day they simply
regard them from the point of view of their own profits.[428] One might
be tempted to regard this as an anticipation of the great ideal which has
to a certain extent been realised by the social insurance Acts passed
during the last thirty years. But this is only partly so. Sismondi placed
the charge of maintenance upon the master and not upon society, and his
criticism of methods of relief, especially of the English Poor Law, was
that they tended to decrease wages and to encourage the indifference of
masters by teaching the workers to seek refuge at the hands of the State
rather than at the hands of the masters.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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