A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present dayGide, Charles
History
A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present day
Gide, Charles
Economics -- History
(_b_) This necessity becomes apparent from still another point of
view. The estimate of a nation’s wealth should not be confined to one
particular moment. It is not enough that the labour and economy of its
citizens should at the present moment assure for it a great mass of
exchange values. It is also necessary that these resources of labour
and of economy should be safeguarded and that their future development
should be assured, for “the power of creating wealth is infinitely more
important than the wealth itself.” A nation should concern itself with
the growth of what List in a vague fashion calls its productive forces
even more than with the exchange values which depend upon them.[580]
Even a temporary sacrifice of the second may be demanded for the sake
of the first. In these expressions List merely wishes to emphasise the
distinction between a policy which takes account of a nation’s future as
compared with one which takes account only of the present. “A nation must
sacrifice and give up a measure of material property in order to gain
culture, skill, and powers of united production; it must sacrifice some
present advantages in order to ensure to itself future ones.”[581]
But what are these productive forces which constitute the permanent
source of a nation’s prosperity and the condition of its progress?
With particular insistence List first of all mentions the moral and
political institutions, freedom of thought, freedom of conscience,
liberty of the press, trial by jury, publicity of justice, control
of administration, and parliamentary government. All these have a
stimulating and salutary effect upon labour. He is never weary of
recalling to mind the loss of wealth caused by the Revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, or by the Spanish Inquisition, which, says he, “had
passed sentence of death upon the Spanish navy long ere the English and
the Dutch fleets had executed the decree” (p. 88). He unjustly[582]
accuses Smith and his school of materialism, and condemns them for
neglecting to reckon those infinitely powerful but perhaps less
calculable forces.
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