A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present dayGide, Charles
History
A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present day
Gide, Charles
Economics -- History
He dismisses association and organisation as being detrimental to
the liberty of the worker.[642] Labour’s power is just the result of
“collective force and division of labour.” Liberty is the economic force
_par excellence_. “Economic perfection lies in the absolute independence
of the workers, just as political perfection consists in the absolute
independence of the citizens.”[643] “Liberty,” he remarks in an address
delivered to the electors of the department of the Seine in 1848, “is
the sum total of my system—liberty of conscience, freedom of the press,
freedom of labour, of commerce, and of teaching, the free disposal of the
products of labour and industry—liberty, infinite, absolute, everywhere
and for ever.” He adds that his is “the system of ’89,” and that he
is preaching the doctrines of Quesnay, of Turgot, and of Say. Indeed,
it would not be difficult to imagine ourselves reading the Classical
rhapsodies concerning the advantages of Free Trade over again.[644]
Communism as a juridical system is rejected no less energetically. There
is no suggestion of suppressing private property, which is the necessary
stimulant of labour, the basis of family life, and indispensable to all
true progress. His chief concern is to make it harmless and to place
it at the disposal of everyone.[645] “Communism is merely an inverted
form of private property. Communism gives rise to inequalities, but of a
different character from those of property. Property is the exploitation
of the weak by the strong, communism of the strong by the weak.”[646]
It is still robbery. “Communism,” he exclaims, “is the religion of
misery.”[647] “Between the institution of private property and communism
there is a world of difference.”[648]
Racial devotion or fraternity as possible motives for action are not
recognised. They imply the sacrifice and the subordination of one man
to another. All men have equal rights, and the freer exercise of those
rights is a matter of justice, not of fraternity. Proudhon thinks the
axiom so very evident that he takes no trouble to explain it, but merely
gives us a definition of justice. In his first _Mémoire_ it is defined
as “a kind of respect spontaneously felt and reciprocally guaranteed to
human dignity in any person and under all circumstances, even though the
discharge of that feeling exposes us to some risk.”[649]
His justice is tantamount to equality. If we apply the definition to
the economic links which bind men together, we find that the principle
of mutual respect is transformed into the principle of reciprocal
service.[650] Men must be made to realise this need for reciprocal
service. It is the only way in which equality can be respected. “Do unto
others as you would that others do unto you”—this principle of justice is
the ethical counterpart of the economic precept of mutual service.[651]
Reciprocal service must be the new principle which must guide us in
rearranging the economic links of society.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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