A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present dayGide, Charles
History
A history of economic doctrines : $b from the time of the physiocrats to the present day
Gide, Charles
Economics -- History
To pass a criticism on the labours of Adam Smith would be to review
the economic doctrines of the nineteenth century. That is the best
eulogy one can bestow upon his work. The economic ideas of a whole
century were, so to speak, in solution in his writings. Friends and
foes have alike taken him as their starting-point. The former have
developed, extended, and corrected his work. The latter have subjected
his principal theories to harsh criticism at every point. All with tacit
accord admit that political economy commenced with him. As Garnier, his
French translator, put it, “he wrought a complete revolution in the
science.”[245] To-day, even although the _Wealth of Nations_ may no
longer appear to us as a truly scientific treatise on political economy,
certain of its fundamental ideas remain incontestable. The theory of
money, the importance of division of labour, the fundamental character
of spontaneous economic institutions, the constant operation of personal
interest in economic life, liberty as the basis of rational political
economy—all these appear to us as definite acquisitions to the science.
The imperfections of the work will be naturally demonstrated in the
chapters which follow. In order to complete our exposition of Smith’s
doctrines it only remains to show how they were diffused.
The rapid spread of his ideas throughout Europe and their incontestable
supremacy remains one of the most curious phenomena in the history of
ideas. Smith persuaded his own generation and governed the next.[246]
History affords us some clue. To attribute it solely to the influence of
his book is sheer exaggeration. A great deal must be set to the credit of
circumstances more or less fortuitous.
M. Mantoux remarks with much justice that “it was the American War
rather than Smith’s writings which demonstrated the decay of the ancient
political economy and compassed its ruin. The War of Independence proved
two things: (1) The danger lurking in a colonial system which could
goad the most prosperous colonies to revolt; (2) the uselessness of a
protective tariff, for on the very morrow of the war English trade with
the American colonies was more flourishing than ever before. “The loss
of the American colonies to England was really a gain to her.” So wrote
Say in 1803, and he adds: “This is a fact that I have nowhere seen
disputed.”[247] To the American War other causes must be added: (1) The
urgent need for markets felt by English merchants at the close of the
Napoleonic wars; they were already abundantly supplied with excellent
machinery. (2) Coupled with this was a growing belief that a high price
of corn as the result of agricultural protection increased the cost of
hand labour. These two reasons were enough to create a desire for a
general lowering of the customs duties.
Subsequent events have justified Smith’s attitude on the question of
foreign trade. In the matter of domestic trade he has been less fortunate.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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