A History of England, Period I. Mediæval MonarchyBright, J. Franck (James Franck)
History
A History of England, Period I. Mediæval Monarchy
Bright, J. Franck (James Franck)
Great Britain -- History
It was principally for this object that the famous Parliament of
1265 was called. To it were summoned only twenty-three peers,
friends of De Montfort, though the great Northern and Scotch
barons, who had strongly supported the King at Lewes, also received
safe conducts. Of the higher clergy there were no less than one
hundred and eighteen, a number by no means unprecedented, but
which seems to show how completely the Church sympathized with
the Barons. There were also knights of the shires--two from each
county. Even from the time of the commission for forming the
Domesday Book, elected knights had been occasionally consulted upon
the affairs of their county; since Henry II.’s reign, although
they had never been properly summoned to Parliament, this practice
had been more frequent. But the addition of two burghers from the
chief cities was wholly new, and although the practice was not
continued without a break, this, says Hallam, is the epoch at which
the representation of the Commons becomes distinctly manifest. To
De Montfort it was of the greatest importance that the general
acquiescence of all important classes of the country in his
government should be shown.
[Sidenote: Conditions of the Prince’s liberation.]
The assembly thus formed had first of all to consider what was
to be done with the present insurgents and with the exiles, and,
secondly, on what conditions Prince Edward might be with safety
liberated. On the first point it was decreed that the barons of
the Welsh Marches should be exiled to Ireland for three years, and
the fugitives from Lewes were summoned to stand their trial before
their peers, a summons to which, of course, they paid no attention.
The other question was more important, but the conditions were
finally arrived at on which the Prince might be set at liberty.
There was to be complete amnesty for all that was past; the King
and Prince were never to receive their former favourites; the royal
castles were to be placed in trustworthy hands; the great charters
of liberty were to be again established; the Prince was not to
leave the country for three years, and must choose his council
by the advice of government; and the county of Chester, with its
castle, together with the castles of the Peak and Newcastle, were
to be given up to De Montfort. For this, however, an equivalent
was to be given from De Montfort’s county of Leicester. All
these arrangements were made under the most solemn sanctions.
On the last article much of the abuse of Leicester for avarice
and self-seeking has been rested. But, in fact, the position
of the lands commanding the Scotch and Welsh borders afforded a
sufficient political reason for requiring their cession. A copy of
this arrangement was sent to each sheriff, and the great charters
of liberty publicly read, with a solemn threat of excommunication
against all who should break them.
[Sidenote: Defection of De Clare. He joins the Marchers.]
[Sidenote: Escape of Edward.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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