A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
Still greater and more immediately urgent differences were
to be anticipated, when on August 31 the Parliament met,
like the Assembly, in Edinburgh. The summons had been
issued under the presumption of the continuance of the
legal forms; but now the King himself had given up the
bishops; and the first question was, how the vacancies
in the Parliament were to be filled. The King thought of
replacing the bishops by clergymen selected by himself;
but the Scots were of opinion that in this way Episcopacy [A.D. 1639.]
would be abolished only in name, while in substance it was
retained; and the nobles did not wish the influence which
the bishops had exercised upon the nomination of the Lords
of Articles, and upon the deliberations of Parliament,
to be revived. Even the Scottish clergy felt no desire
for this dignity, to which in fact they traced all the
abuses that had crept in; they at that time declared that
the participation of the clergy in civil business was as
unlawful as Episcopacy itself[157]. It was vainly objected
on the other hand, that in this way one of the three
estates was abolished, which was a criminal proceeding
forbidden under the penalties attaching to high treason.
The Scots affirmed that the concessions of the King carried
with them at the same time the removal of the episcopal
element and the necessity of constituting a parliament of
a new kind. They now themselves took in hand the work of
reconstitution without delay; for, as they alleged, the
King had promised them a free parliament. In fact their
design was to give the representatives of the shires an
independent position, almost as in the English Parliament;
they did not wish to abolish the Lords of Articles, but
to draw them from the deputies of the nobility, gentry,
and commonalty, as was then forthwith done[158]: it is
quite clear that this was not merely a question of form,
but also a question of the distribution of power. For by
the nomination of other clergy in place of the bishops,
the crown would certainly have been able to win back its
former influence over the Parliament, and the gentry would
have lost the authority which they had derived from their
participation in the movements of the Covenanters. But how
should the members of the Tables and of the Committees,
who had acquired a feeling of independence, have again
returned to their former position? They endeavoured, on
the contrary, to maintain, even under parliamentary forms,
the power which they had acquired, and they succeeded in
their endeavour. Not only was the Parliament transformed
according to their views, but the most important rights were
claimed for it. The Parliament proposed that the King’s [A.D. 1639.]
Privy Council should be responsible to it, and that
the King should be bound to follow its advice in making
appointments to high military commands, especially in the
fortified places; and to comply with its recommendation in
alterations of the coinage: even the right of conferring
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