A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
which took away from it the substance of its authority.
The Parliament authorised the Committee of the Estates,
which was already appointed, to carry on the government.
This committee was so composed that the resolutions always
conformed to the wishes and proposals of the leading men,
especially of Argyle, who was considered even then as the
most important person of all, though he was not himself one
of the members.
We should mistake the feelings of the Scots, if we assumed
that these arrangements had been approved by every one.
Even Thomas Hope, the King’s Advocate, who had at first
so entirely concurred in the movement, warned the Earl of
Rothes not to go so far as to give the King good ground [A.D. 1640.]
for saying to other sovereigns that people in Scotland
had an eye, not so much to religion, as to the abolition
of the monarchy. Hope told the Earl that they ought to
strengthen their religion, that they should then see
what he would do or suffer in its behalf, but that in
matters of civil government they must not reckon on his
going with them. The same views were entertained by many
other of the more reflecting spirits among the clergy
and scholars. The government had thought it necessary to
appoint as Professors in the Universities men who shared
its tendencies, and knew how to gain acceptance for them
in the minds of the young. These regulations did not
enjoy entire popularity. While in the English Parliament
the boroughs returned a majority, in Scotland the gentry
had an ascendancy by which the commons, at first at all
events, felt themselves oppressed[182]. And meanwhile the
Covenant was not yet by any means everywhere accepted.
Those counties that repudiated it even made attacks upon
others which had submitted: the old Scottish lawlessness
and desire for plunder now availed itself of religious
pretexts. A small army was required to be permanently in
the field in order to extinguish the flames of revolt which
kept flickering here and there. In the minds of many of the
great men who concurred in the religious demands of their
countrymen, their political demands awakened all the more
opposition because their rivals were just the people who
derived advantage from the new constitution; or else in
fact feelings of loyal devotion to the King awoke in them;
they did not wish to allow the crown to be robbed of all
its splendour and all its power.
One might almost wonder that the dominant party was still
in such good spirits.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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