In general terms it may be said that the summoning of Parliament implied the defeat of the King. His system of alliance between the crown and the hierarchy was thereby [A.D. 1640.] virtually overthrown. Between the ideas of the Scottish spiritual and temporal assemblies which he combated, and the tendencies which had caused him to dissolve the last English Parliament, as well as previous ones, a league was formed which thenceforth held the upper hand, and threatened to dictate the law to him. The question was merely how far the restrictions would extend, to which he must undoubtedly submit, and what changes in the State would be attempted in consequence. In the elections which now began preference was given in general to those who had most zealously opposed the existing authorities, or were known as the most ardent Protestants. There were no such boards in London as in Edinburgh, formed on purpose to manage elections systematically. But those who were of one mind were seen to hasten from county to county, in order to exert their influence in each to the utmost. On the side of the government also a list was prepared: the King claimed the aid of the chief lords in his service, such as Pembroke, in support of his candidates in the boroughs: and some names show that this attempt was not altogether fruitless. But the efforts of the popular party were by far the most successful[205]. Of the members of the last Parliament three-fifths--294 out of 493--were re-elected. Moreover the new members belonged almost entirely to the popular party. Of those who had already won a reputation on this side, not one failed. FOOTNOTES: [193] Memorial, in the Hardwicke State Papers ii. 168. [194] Unfortunately the petition, like so many other documents, is very badly printed. In the Record Office copy it is not ‘grievances, which your poor petitioners lie under,’ but more correctly, ‘which your people lies under.’ The concluding words run, ‘The uniting [not ‘the continuance,’ which makes little sense] of both your kingdoms against the common enemy of their [not ‘the’] reformed religion.’ The thing most wanted for this history is a trustworthy critical edition of the chief authorities. Even the signatures are not certain. The Record copy gives at the head the name of Rutland, which is wanting in the rest. In the same copy the name of Bristol is wanting, which undoubtedly appears wrongly in most editions. It was wanting also in the copy on which the Clarendon Papers were based. Windebank says that he was present, Clarendon Papers ii. 115. [195] Protocol: Bedford was very shy of doing anything without those by whom he was authorised. [196] So says the Protocol, which is extant in the State Paper Office, and well deserves to be printed. We find especially ‘the end and conclusion very strange, to desire the Scots to joyne in the reformation of religion.’ Windebank on the same day furnished a report to the King: some points he added, and omitted others.