A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
Extremely remarkable are the grounds for this proceeding
as put forward by Oliver St. John, on April 29, in a
great conference with the Upper House, at which the King [A.D. 1641]
was present. He urged especially the absolute legislative
power of Parliament, in virtue of which it was not bound,
like inferior tribunals, by existing laws, but was
justified in making new ones to suit circumstances: its
only guide should be care for the public weal: it was the
political body, embracing all, from the king to the beggar,
and could deal with individuals for the good of the whole,
could open a vein to let out the corrupted blood. It had
been said that the law must precede the offence; that where
no law was there could be no transgression: but that plea
could not avail for the man who had desired to overthrow
all laws: there might be rules for the hunting of hares,
wolves were slain wherever they were found. Strafford had
well known that the Lower House had the power of life
and death[233]. Strafford had thought to be judged by
the existing laws, and had always taken the most careful
precautions to avoid acting towards them in such a manner
that a capital charge could be brought against him. But now
there was a power set in motion against him which did not
consider itself bound by the letter of the statutes, and
held itself fully justified in punishing not only his acts
but his intentions.
When he heard St. John’s speech he saw that he was lost:
he raised his hands above his head, as if to implore the
mercy of heaven. His case was not yet finally decided,
but in order that he might be rescued events must have
happened, and courses have been tried, which lay outside
all regular government. In the violent agitation produced
by the great questions involved, there was actually once a
moment in which such a turn of events might possibly have
been expected: this arose from the inner complications of
the state and court.
FOOTNOTES:
[223] ‘Many ministers used greater freedom than ever here
was heard of.’ Baillie’s Letters i. 213.
[224] Baillie i. 275. ‘These [the separatists] and the
rest, who are for the Scots’ discipline, do amicablie
conspire in one, to overthrow bishops and ceremonies,
hoping when these rudera are put away, that they shall well
agree to build a new house.’ (Dec. 2, 1640.)
[225] Baillie i. 287. ‘There was some fear for those of the
new way, who are for the independent congregations; but
after much conference we hope they will joyne to overthrow
episcopacie, erect presbyterian government and assemblies,
and in any difference they have to be silent upon hope
either of satisfaction, when we gett more leasure, or of
toleration on their good and peaceable behaviour.’ (Dec.
28.)
[226] In Verney’s Notes of Proceeding in the Long
Parliament.
[227] Rushworth iii. 1. 206.
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