A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
writer, as he stood in the way of a reconciliation between
the King and his people.
So it came to pass that on May 10 the King commissioned
Lord Arundel and the Lord Keeper to signify his royal
assent to the Bill of Attainder. The next day he made
another attempt to return from the path of justice to that
of mercy. Would it not be better to consign Strafford
to prison for life, with the provision that for any
participation in public affairs, or attempt at flight,
his life would certainly and finally be forfeited. He
asked the Lords whether this was possible: they replied
that it would endanger himself and his wife and children.
For no relaxation was to be obtained from the universal
disposition both in Parliament and in the city. Unless the
King gave way it would be scarcely possible to maintain his
government any longer.
At the news of the King’s submission Strafford exclaimed,
‘That no one should trust in princes, who are but men.’
The genuineness of his letter has been denied, it being
supposed that others wrote it, in order to remove the
King’s personal scruples: but a thorough examination
of the fact removes every doubt[258]. Though Strafford
confirmed in his own person the experience expressed in
the words of Scripture, he himself with his last words
gave, with highminded forbearance, the opinion that it was
necessary to sacrifice him, in consideration of the general
circumstances and of the possible consequences.
Strafford went to the scaffold in an exalted frame of
mind. On his way he saw Laud, who at his request appeared [A.D. 1641.]
at the window of his prison. The Archbishop was unable
to speak. Strafford bade him farewell, and prayed that
God might protect his innocence; for he had no doubt
that he was in the right in fulfilling his King’s will,
and establishing his prerogative. He persisted that he
had never intended either to destroy the parliamentary
constitution, or to endanger the Protestant Church. He
did not appeal to the judgment of posterity, as if he had
been conscious that great antagonisms are transmitted
from generation to generation: he looked for a righteous
judgment in the other world.
Such moments must come, in order to bring to light the
absolute independence of success and of the world’s
judgment which strong characters possess.
His guilt was of a nature entirely political; he had
done his best to guide the King in these complications,
undoubtedly in the belief that he was right in so doing,
but still with indiscreet zeal. So also his execution was
a political act: it was the expression of the defeat which
he had suffered and occasioned, of the triumph of the ideas
against which he had contended to the death.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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