A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
Among the grievances of which the populace complained in
the turbulent days before Stafford’s condemnation, one
of the most important was that in spite of all petitions
the affairs of the Church were not put in order in a
truly Protestant sense: immediately after his execution
the matter was taken up afresh. In the prevailing temper
it will easily be understood that they then reverted
to the decided demands of the London petition. The
bill had a near political interest, in so far as it
corresponded to the incessant demands of the Scottish
commissioners for conformity. But they did not rest only
on the Presbyterians. Several men of separatist opinions,
Oliver Cromwell, the younger Vane, Haslerig, had allied
themselves to the movement[263]. On May 27 a bill for
the entire abolition of the Anglican establishment was
introduced. Archbishops and bishops, chancellors and
their commissaries, deans, archdeacons, and other chapter
officials were henceforth to exist no longer in the Church
and realm of England; and the King and two Houses of
Parliament were to dispose of the lands, houses and rents
attached to these dignities and offices. After all that
had happened this motion nevertheless caused the greatest
sensation, for none of the changes which had preceded
it were at all like this. Neither ship-money nor Star
Chamber, neither Stafford’s death nor Laud’s prosecution
were comparable to this attempt to overthrow the church [A.D. 1641.]
government of England, and introduce a new one. The
proposal was that in every diocese commissions should stand
in the place of the bishops. The plan found more support
in the Lower House now than formerly; the second reading
was carried by a majority of 139 votes against 118. An
objection had been taken that they ought to wait till
the Lords had definitely decided on the first moderate
proposition, which had not yet taken place. They did so
just at this time (June 7). Even under these circumstances
their decision was in the negative; for the Lords would not
lend a hand to a change even in the political position of
the bishops whereby the Upper House would be transformed.
The result however was that the new bill was pressed with
greater zeal than ever.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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