A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
Thus reasons and counter-reasons were urged without any
one being able clearly to pronounce in which way the scale
inclined. At last the opponents of the Remonstrance must
have begun to fear that they should be in the minority:
they determined to resist as long as possible, and if that
failed, to proceed to a protest. It was midnight before
they could come to a decision. It was resolved first of all
to settle the text of the Remonstrance, and then take the [A.D. 1641.]
final vote: at last the question was put whether the
Remonstrance as amended be agreed to or not. On this the
House divided; the votes in its favour were 159, those
against it 148. It had passed by a majority of eleven.
Still the affair was not ended. A new agitation was aroused
by the motion that the Remonstrance should forthwith be
printed. The royalist party thought this unendurable, as
setting this document before the populace would be an
act of hostility against the King. Edward Hyde declared
that the House had no authority to do it without having
consulted with the Lords: he added that if it passed he
should pray for leave to enter his protest. His cautious
expression shows that he regarded the right as dubious. But
a step was taken which rendered an immediate demonstration
possible. Geoffrey Palmer, a lawyer, rose to ask for the
appointment of a day on which the right to a protest might
be enquired into: meanwhile the names might be taken of
those who would sign such a protest in case of its being
pronounced legal. He seemed to ask who was prepared for
this; a great crowd rose to their feet, with the cry ‘All,
all.’ Was not this however in fact a protest, in spite
of the doubtful legality? Inevitably it excited immense
agitation. The steadfast zeal of the one party balanced
the enthusiasm of the other. They waved their hats above
their heads, knocked on the ground with their swords; it
seemed as if they must come to hand-to-hand fighting. As
they sat or stood opposite each other they felt that they
could plunge their weapons into one another’s bodies, like
Abner’s and Joab’s young men at Hilkath Hazzurim. In that
narrow, crowded, dimly lighted room of the chapel, men felt
almost as in the valley of the shadow of death[288]. A few
conciliatory words from Hampden availed to recall them
to their senses. The proposed resolution was in fact not
put. Without bloodshed, but in the utmost excitement, they
separated late at night.
Geoffrey Palmer had to atone for his conduct by a couple [A.D. 1641.]
of days’ imprisonment in the Tower. But the question he
had raised, how far a protest of dissentient members was
allowable in the Lower House, was of so great importance,
that when once it had been spoken of it must necessarily be
settled.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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