A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)Ranke, Leopold von
History
A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)
Ranke, Leopold von
England -- Civilization -- 17th century; Great Britain -- History -- Stuarts, 1603-1714
The King on the Sunday conferred with the Lord Mayor, who
declared himself powerless to check the movement: the
only resource seemed to be the withdrawal of Lunsford’s
appointment; and at the Lord Mayor’s advice the King
resolved to do this. In Lunsford’s place he selected John
Byron, who also enjoyed his full confidence, without giving
occasion for such demonstrations as had been made against
the other.
The movement was however not to be stopped thus: on the
appointed day, about the hour at which the morning sitting
began, a tumultuous mob streamed into Westminster. There
they came to blows with Lunsford and his armed followers,
who were on the spot: but the demonstration told less
against him than against those members of the Upper House
who had refused to accede to the popular demand, namely the
bishops. They were received with the cry that they could
be endured no longer, at any rate in Parliament, and with
insulting clamour: woe betide him who, like Archbishop
Williams, desired to obtain justice personally against any
one in the mob: he received double abuse. The hearts of [A.D. 1641.]
some of the temporal lords smote them at this: they
remembered their old-fashioned knightly pledge, which bound
them to defend with their swords men in long garments. The
Lords actually went to the Lower House with a prayer to
this effect: the answer was that they could not discourage
the people.
The next day these scenes were repeated: the barges
in which some bishops sought to reach the Upper House
were met with showers of stones, and driven back from
the landing-place. It seemed that the prelates would be
excluded from the house by open force: but they themselves
furnished a pretext for this being done legally. In order
to avoid any further insult, and yet not to surrender their
ancient rights, Archbishop Williams hit on the idea of
assisting their cause by a protest: he assembled eleven
bishops, and induced them to sign an instrument in which
they pronounced beforehand all proceedings null and void
which should be taken during their enforced absence from
Parliament. They laid this declaration before the King and
before the Upper House, which communicated it to the Lower.
This step however produced a totally different effect from
what was intended. The Commons had a different idea of the
English constitution from this meeting of bishops: it was
observed that the bishops did not in England constitute
an order whose absence would render parliamentary action
invalid: their pretensions were declared to be an attack
on the fundamental laws of Parliament and on its very
existence: the Lower House impeached the bishops of high
treason for making them. They had to kneel at the bar of
the Upper House and hear the impeachment read, much to
their astonishment, for they had had no thought of doing
anything improper: they were sent to the Tower, or at any
rate arrested. Thus the Commons were suddenly relieved of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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