Then follow directions for bleeding, according to the position of the bubo--in the armpit, groin or neck, the direction “if on the back” probably having reference to the carbuncle[402]. The section on treatment, which is the last, ends with a prescription for a medicine “that the sooner a swelling be made ripe.” These are sufficiently clear indications of the bubonic nature of the disease called pestilence. At the same time the writer includes an ague as also pestilential, due to similar causes and arising on similar occasions. This is a use of the name ague which should not be mistaken for its common application to intermittent fever. Ague was simply (febris) acuta; and pestilential ague was a name for typhus fever in the sixteenth century (as in Jones’ _Dyall of Agues_), as well as in Ireland until a much later period. This early association of acute pestilential fever with true bubo-plague means the same relationship of typhus to plague which was systematically taught by Sydenham, Willis, and Morton in the seventeenth century; typhus in their time was the frequent attendant of plague,--a _pestis mitior_; and it would appear to have been its attendant and congener in the fourteenth century also. The Fourteenth Century Chronology continued. Two epidemics contend in the chronicles for being the _pestis tertia_--that of 1368-69, and that of 1375. The former is described as a “great pestilence of men and the larger animals[403],” and it appears to have been associated with unfavourable seasons and with the beginning of that scarcity which Langland’s poem refers to the month of April, 1370: Atte Londoun, I leve, liketh wel my wafres And louren whan thei lakken hem.--It is nought longe passed, There was a careful comune whan no cart cam to towne With bred fro Strethforth, tho gan beggeres wepe And werkmen were agast a lite. This wole be thought longe In the date of our Drighte in a drye Aprille, A thousand and thre hondreth tweis thretty and ten My wafres there were gesen whan Chichestre was Maire[404].