A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3Howard, George Elliott
History
A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3
Howard, George Elliott
Families; Marriage -- History
Nevertheless, after all is said, it seems hard to believe that
ceremonial capture does not sometimes have a more real significance.
Often it may symbolize the coyness or mark the subjection of woman.
More frequently it may stand as a mere general reminiscence of
the good old times of force and lawlessness. Still it would be
strange, indeed, if it did not also appear as a direct survival of
actual wife-capture.[551] Granting this, however, the significance
of capture _de facto_ remains the same. We perceive more clearly
that it has very widely prevailed; yet it must still be regarded
as a mere incident of war and pillage. It has nothing whatever to
do with the institution of marriage. It could never on any wide
scale have been the normal manner of procuring wives. To assume
that wife-stealing has been a universal phase in the evolution of
marriage is not one whit more reasonable than to hold that robbery
has been a normal stage in the evolution of property.[552] In
spite of Hobbes or McLennan, it remains to be proved that a state
of chronic hostility was ever a general phase in the history of
mankind. Such a state is inconsistent with the prevalence of the
blood-feud.[553] Even the rule of exogamy among primitive peoples
does not harmonize with general wife capture. For the coexistence
of clan-exogamy and tribal endogamy means, under normal conditions,
a tendency toward peace within the tribe.[554] There is strong
reason to believe that in every period of social development consent
and contract, in some form, have been the cardinal elements of
marriage. Captured or stolen women have usually become slaves or
concubines; and, except in rare instances, the relatively small
number of them made wives must always have been insignificant as
compared with the number of wives obtained in other ways. Thus the
solution of the problem of so-called marriage by capture appears to
be similar to that of polygyny. The practice of taking several wives
is exceedingly common; but on close examination we discover that
polygyny is relatively unimportant, and that it has never been able
to displace monogamy as the normal type. So it is with the practice
of capturing women for wives. However prevalent the custom, it
does not seem ever to have greatly influenced the natural laws or
modified the fundamental motives upon which marriage and the family
rest. But the value of the evidence upon which this conclusion is
based can be thoroughly appreciated only after we have traced the
origin of contract in marriage. Let us begin with wife-purchase,
especially in its relation to the custom of capturing women.
[551] This is in effect conceded by Spencer. While rightly
rejecting the theory of systematic foreign wife-capture, as a
general phase in the development of marriage, he holds that the
symbol of rape may sometimes result from struggles for women
within the tribe, or from the resistance of the father and male
relatives of the bride.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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