A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3Howard, George Elliott
History
A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3
Howard, George Elliott
Families; Marriage -- History
Such, sketched in hasty outline, is the symmetrical structure which
the author of the _Ancient Society_ has erected. But it has not
been able wholly to withstand the shock of adverse criticism. The
argument rests on too narrow a basis of investigation, and it is
sometimes contradictory in its details. Its real foundation is the
assumption that the nomenclatures of the classificatory systems of
relationship must necessarily denote actual relationships. The truth
of this assumption, however, is not self-evident. Other explanations
of their meaning, some of them simpler and far more probable, have
been offered. In the first place, it is evident that Morgan was
misled by Fison's account of the Kamilaroi class-marriages.[204]
Only in Australia was he able to find in existence, as he believed,
a social organization upon the basis of sex. Yet it is by no
means established that communal or even group-marriage has ever
prevailed among the Australian aborigines. The criticism of Mr.
Curr has raised doubt as to the trustworthiness of Fison's theory,
although it may not have entirely shattered it.[205] According to
Curr, the class-system is an ingenious arrangement to prevent
close intermarriages. Even first cousins may not marry.[206] The
Australian is very jealous of his wife, who may be betrothed to
him in childhood. Wife-lending occurs, but it is not sanctioned
by custom. The use of a single word for different relationships,
as for father and father's brother, is not an evidence of former
group-marriage, but of "poverty of language."[207] Nevertheless the
Australian nomenclature is richer in terms of relationship than has
been assumed by Mr. Fison. "There is hardly an Australian vocabulary
in print" in which distinct translation of terms for "uncle, aunt,
nephew, niece, sister-in-law, and son-in-law" do not occur.[208]
[204] Published by MORGAN in _Proceedings of the
Am. Academy of Arts and Science_, for 1872; and subsequently
presented in full by FISON in _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_,
50 ff., 99 ff., 159 ff., _passim_; MORGAN, _Ancient
Society_, 49-61. Compare MCLENNAN'S account of
Australian kinship in _Studies_, II, 278-310, especially 304 ff.
[205] CURR, _The Australian Race_, I, 106-42. _Cf._
also KEANE, _Man: Past and Present_, 154, 155; and
CRAWLEY, _Mystic Rose_, 348, 476 ff.
[206] CURR, _op. cit._, I, 111, 112.
[207] _Ibid._, 116.
[208] _Ibid._, 140. Compare the criticism of
WESTERMARCK, _Human Marriage_, 56, 57.
Mucke, as we have already seen, explains the classificatory system
as being a survival of the primitive "space-relationships" of the
primitive horde.[209] By Kautsky also its origin is traced to the
horde in which "hetairistic monogamy" prevailed, and in which
blood-relationship with the parents was not regarded. The classes,
therefore, have nothing to do with descent, but each embraces all
the individuals of a single generation under a common name.[210]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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