A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen VictoriaGrego, Joseph
History
A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen Victoria
Grego, Joseph
Great Britain -- Politics and government; Great Britain. Parliament -- Election
Another election for Middlesex occurred in 1769, _vice_ Wilkes; the
results were that Wilkes was returned at the head of the poll, while
his opponent (with a quarter of his votes) was declared duly elected.
On the subject of Colonel Luttrell’s admission to the House much
was said which must have been unpalatable to the Court. The _Oxford
Magazine_ printed a list of those members who were so patriotically
inclined as to resist this brazen violation of the constitution,
as “the Minority who voted 1148 in preference to 296;” while those
members who servilely voted for the right of the ministers to impose
a defeated candidate on the Commons were described as “the Majority
who preferred 296 to 1143.” A list is given of these placemen,
pensioners, and courtiers, with particulars against their respective
names which account for their lack of principle, all being in receipt
of State patronage, or emolument of one kind or another, sufficient to
prove that self-interest was their guiding principle, and that their
consciences were closed by the greed of preferment. The despotic action
enforced by the administration, in defiance of the principles of the
constitution,--a common practice in the reign of George III.,--provoked
a very pertinent disquisition upon the potentiality of the bulwark of
popular rights. The great Lord Bacon, somewhere talking of the power
of parliaments, says, there is nothing which a parliament cannot do;
and he had reason. A parliament can revive or abrogate old laws,
and make new ones; settle the succession to the Crown; impose taxes;
establish forms of religion; naturalize foreigners; dissolve marriages;
legitimate bastards; attaint a man of treason, etc. Lord Bolingbroke,
indeed, is of a different opinion, and affirms there is something which
a parliament cannot do: it cannot annul the constitution; and that if
it should attempt to annul the constitution, the whole body of the
people would have a right to resist it. It is natural, too, to think
that Lord Bacon limited the power of parliament, great as he believed
it, to those things which do not imply a physical impossibility.
Modern ministers, however, have shown that a parliament is able, at
least in appearance, to effect even such impossibilities. Sir Robert
Walpole was wont to boast that he had “trained his fellows,” as he
called his venal majority in the House of Commons, “in such a manner,
and brought them to such exact discipline, that were he to desire them
to vote Jesus Christ a Gildon” (_i.e._ the head of an infidel sect,
Gildon being a deistical writer in Walpole’s day) “he was sure of their
compliance.” The ministry then in office (the Grafton administration),
as will appear by the list referred to above, had assumed a power no
less arbitrary and equally unreasonable, by persuading their servile
majority to vote in defiance of the constitution on the question of
Colonel Luttrell’s qualifications to sit in the Commons--that the 296
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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