A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen VictoriaGrego, Joseph
History
A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen Victoria
Grego, Joseph
Great Britain -- Politics and government; Great Britain. Parliament -- Election
“one Newnam was called to prove a declaration made to him by
Brackstone a voter, about having got the promise of a _house_
from Mr. Jolliffe for his vote.”
The committee resolved that the evidence was inadmissible on the
grounds that--
“although the declaration (not upon oath) of a person who
cannot be obliged to be a witness on the subject himself, is
admissible in evidence to _affect such person_, yet is not
admissible _against a third party_.”
Although the traditional figure of “Punch” is associated with
punishments dealt out indiscriminately, it appears in the old
electioneering days he was the agent for distributing illicit rewards
for iniquitous acts. In the case of a “controverted election” for the
borough of Shaftesbury (Dorset) the evidence produced vividly recalls
Hogarth’s representation of an election broadside, “Punch, Candidate
for Guzzletown,” introduced in his picture of “Canvassing for Votes.”
After the general election, 1774, it was alleged that the sitting
members, Sykes and Rumbold, by themselves or their agents, had been
guilty of bribery, while it was attempted to be shown that Mortimer,
who was the petitioner, had promised money to procure his election.
The trial lasted four weeks, and among the points of evidence was
the following indictment against the manœuvres of “Punch:”--Money,
to the amount of several thousand pounds, had been given among
the electors,[58] in sums of twenty guineas a man (654 votes were
recorded in 1774; 532 being for Sykes and Rumbold). The persons who
were entrusted with the distribution of this money, and who were
chiefly the magistrates of the town, fell upon a very singular and
absurd contrivance, in hopes of being able thereby to hide through
what channel it was conveyed to the electors. A person concealed
under a ludicrous and fantastical disguise, and called by the name
of “Punch,” was placed in a small apartment, and, through a hole in
the door, delivered out to the voters parcels containing the twenty
guineas; upon which they were conducted to another apartment in the
same house, where they found a person called “Punch’s secretary,” and
signed notes for the value, but which were made payable to an imaginary
character, to whom they had given the name of “Glenbucket.” Two of
the witnesses, called by the counsel for the petitioner, swore that
they had seen “Punch” through the hole in the door, and that they
knew him to be one Matthews, an alderman of Shaftesbury; and, as the
counsel for the petitioner had endeavoured to prove, an agent for the
sitting members. It was said that those voters who admitted that they
had received “Punch’s” money, had at the poll taken the bribery oath;
it was contended for the other side that this was not legal evidence,
that “it would be unjust to suffer what a man had said in conversation,
and without an oath, to invalidate what he had solemnly sworn.” The
committee determined that, with regard to supposed agents, evidence
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