A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen VictoriaGrego, Joseph
History
A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen Victoria
Grego, Joseph
Great Britain -- Politics and government; Great Britain. Parliament -- Election
It is to Gillray that we owe the version embodying the glorification
of autocratic boroughmongering as “The Pacific Entrance of Earl Wolf
into Blackhaven,” January, 1792. Before Lord Grey’s Reform Bill altered
the constituencies, in the sordid old days of corrupt influence,
when the representative system of electing parliaments was purely
theoretical, a certain number of territorial magnates apportioned about
half the constituencies between them; of this, the “upper order,” or
aristocratic patrons, trafficked in the seats in exchange for “honours”
for themselves, or lent their boroughs to support ministerial influence
in return for places and pensions, or offices--sinecures for choice--in
which to provide for their less opulent relations; thus in the old
lists of place-holders, pensioners, and “ministerial patronage” may be
traced the younger sons and cousins in several degrees, besides the
names of those who have by marriage entered the families of the prime
holders of “marketable ware,” otherwise parliamentary interest. When
boroughmongering was a profession--a very highly paid one--and boroughs
were farmed for sale, it might be expected that a less elevated
class of adventurers would treat the question of buying and selling
“seats” in parliament like any ordinary item of commerce, as was the
fact; the markets fluctuated, thus we find Lord Chesterfield, whose
authority is unquestionable, looking round for some venal borough to
bring in that young hopeful to whom he addressed the famous “Letters,”
thinking it a finishing part of a gentleman’s training to be in the
House; the ex-ambassador communicated with an agent, proposing to
pay “twenty-four hundred pounds for a seat,” presumably the price in
Chesterfield’s younger days; but he found seats had risen to inordinate
rates--up to five thousand pounds--owing to imported competition,
chiefly rich factors returned home with fortunes from the East and West
Indies. Bubb Dodington has set down in his “Diary” how he, the lordly
proprietor of this said “marketable ware,” went about bargaining to
bring in ministerial nominees for his five or six seats in exchange
for places at the disposal of the administration; and instances might
be multiplied to a tedious extent from the journals of the House
containing the evidence of trafficking in boroughs and buying up
voters, _en gros et en détail_, as disclosed on controverted elections.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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