A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen VictoriaGrego, Joseph
History
A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering in the Old Days: Showing the State of Political Parties and Party Warfare at the Hustings and in the House of Commons from the Stuarts to Queen Victoria
Grego, Joseph
Great Britain -- Politics and government; Great Britain. Parliament -- Election
“Thence to Whitehall, where the Parliament was to wait on the
King, and they did: and he did think fit to tell them that they
might expect to be adjourned at Whitsuntide, and that they
might make haste to raise their money: but this, I fear, will
displease them, who did expect to sit as long as they pleased.”
A truly regal reception, and a most unceremonious mode of dismissing
the “chosen of the people.” The wits of the day thus tersely summed up
the situation of affairs:--
“I’ll have a long parliament always to friend,
And furnish my treasure as fast as I spend,
And if they will not, they shall have an end.”
(A. MARVELL: _Royal Resolutions_.)
Perhaps the most felicitous sallies were due to the pen of that gifted
reprobate, the Earl of Rochester, at times the _alter ego_ of the Merry
Monarch, but who finally, after enjoying boundless favour by diverting
the king at his own royal expense as often as at that of his subjects,
pointed a shaft with too galling a barb, and flitted away from a Court
whose vileness he both exposed and shared in equally liberal measure:--
“A parliament of knaves and sots,
Members by name you must not mention,
He keeps in pay, and buys their votes;
Here with a place, there with a pension.
When to give money he can’t cologue ’um,
He doth with scorn prorogue, prorogue ’um.
But they long since, by too much giving,
Undid, betray’d, and sold the nation;
Making their memberships a living
Better than e’er was sequestration.
God give thee, Charles, a resolution
To damn the knaves by Dissolution.”
Later, Pepys is in conference with the king and the Duke of York
(April, 1668) upon no less a subject than “about the Quakers not
swearing, and how they do swear in the business of a late election of a
Knight of the Shire of Hertfordshire in behalf of one they have a mind
to have,” which diverts the monarch mightily.
We have seen how the juris-consultists who lived contemporaneously
with the system of “paid members” considered the impartiality of
representatives was protected from outside influences by the receipt
of a small independence; later on we find that, owing to a dispute
between the two Chambers, the impression was arrived at by the Peers
that no salaried judges can be deemed impartial, and that hereditary
legislators are the only reliable tribunals whence unimpeachable
justice could be secured.
On a question of privilege between the Lords and Commons (May, 1668),
when the latter took upon themselves to remedy an error of the Upper
Chamber, Lord Anglesey informed the Commons that the Lords were
“_Judices nati et Conciliarii nati_, but all other Judges among us
are under salary, and the Commons themselves served for wages; and
therefore the Lords, in reason, were the freer Judges.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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