“Let the King respect the Duke his brother, And keep affection still, As duly to the Church his mother: In both they’ll cross his will. “They would Dissenters harmless save, And penalties repeal; As if they’d humour thieves, who crave A liberty to steal. “Thus he that does a pardon lack For Treason damn’d to dy. They’d tempt, poor man, to save his neck, By adding perjury.[28] “The Nobles threw th’ Impeachment out[29] Because, no doubt, they saw ’Twas best to bring his cause about, But not to th’ _Commons Law_. “But hence ’twas plaguily suspected, Nay, ’tis resolv’d by vote, That th’ Lords are popishly affected, And stiflers of the plot. “The Commons’ courage can’t endure To be affronted thus: So, for the future to be sure, They’ll be the Upper House. “But by such feverish malady, Their strength so soon was spent That punning wits no doubt will cry-- _Oh, Weeked Parliament_!” CHAPTER III. PARLIAMENTS AND ELECTIONEERING UNDER JAMES II., WILLIAM III., AND QUEEN ANNE. With the accession of James II. a fresh era of parliament commences. It was the first object of the newly proclaimed king to secure a liberal allowance, settled for life, such as would make him independent of “his faithful Commons.” His late brother having attempted to govern without that section of the legislature in which is vested the control of supplies, was, towards the close of his reign, getting to the end of his resources, derived from foreign pensions for the most part. Evelyn records that within a month of Charles’s death a parliament was summoned, and “great industry used to obtain elections which might promote the Court interest, most of the Corporations being now, by their new charters, empowered to make what return they pleased.” These liberties were, however, restored in the nature of bribes, the new charters granted by the Court being held as considerations for the election of such as were reckoned in the interests of that faction. Evelyn himself discloses this damaging fact: “It was reported that Lord Bath carried down with him into Cornwall no fewer than fifteen charters, so that some called him the ‘Prince Elector.’” This was an “electioneering job” on a gigantic scale, and the new parliament seems to have been returned on these corrupt principles where it was possible. On the same authority, we are enlightened concerning another piece of electioneering strategy, which proves that, as Praed has wittily told in verse, expediency has ever been proved the ruling policy on both sides. Under the 8th of April, 1685, the diary records--