36 line-of-battle ships, he gave up hope of winning the bay and
returned to New York, leaving Cornwallis to his fate. A little
over a month later, October 19, the latter surrendered, and with
his sword passed the last hope of subduing the American revolution.
This battle of the Capes, or Lynnhaven, has never until recent
times been given its true historical perspective, largely because
in itself it was a rather tame affair. But as the historian Reich[1]
observes, "battles, like men, are important not for their dramatic
splendor but for their efficiency and consequences.... The battle
off Cape Henry had ultimate effects infinitely more important than
Waterloo." Certainly there never was a more striking example of
the "influence of sea power" on a campaign. Just at the crisis of
the American Revolution the French navy, by denying to the British
their communications by sea, struck the decisive blow of the war.
This was the French _revanche_ for the humiliation of 1763.
[Footnote 1: FOUNDATIONS OF MODERN EUROPE, p. 24.]
The British failure in this action was due to a dull commander
in chief carrying out a blundering attack based on the Fighting
Instructions. Blame must fall also on his second in command, Hood,
who, though a brilliant officer, certainly failed to support his
chief properly when there was an obvious thing to do. Perhaps if
the personal relations between the two had been more cordial Hood
would have taken the initiative. But in those days the initiative
of a subordinate was not encouraged, and Hood chose to stand on
his dignity.
Although the war was practically settled by the fall of Yorktown,
it required another year or so to die out. In this final year a
famous naval battle was fought which went far toward establishing
British predominance in the West Indies, and which revealed something
radically different in naval tactics from the practice of the time.
In the spring of 1782, Rodney was back in command of the West Indian
station, succeeding Hood, who continued to serve as commander of a
division. The British base was Gros Islet Bay in Santa Lucia. De
Grasse was at Fort Royal, Martinique, waiting to transport troops
to Santo Domingo, where other troops and ships were collected. There,
joining with a force of Spaniards from Cuba, he was to conduct a
campaign against Jamaica. It was Rodney's business to break up this
plan. During a period of preparation on both sides, reenforcements
joined the rival fleets, that of the British amounting to enough to
give Rodney a marked superiority in numbers. Moreover his ships
were heavier, as he had five 3-deckers to the French one, and about
200 more guns. The superiority of speed, as well, lay with Rodney
because more of his ships had copper sheathing. A still further
advantage lay in the fact that he was not burdened with the problem
of protecting convoys and transports as was de Grasse. Thus, in the
event of conflict, the advantages lay heavily with the British.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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