Then a time of darkness which could be felt, and which apparently was as
hopeless as ever, followed in Germany. Parliaments were dispersed. Many
who had shared in the struggle were put to death or imprisoned. In 1849
Switzerland counted within her borders as many as 11,000 German
refugees, most of whom eventually found a home in America. It appeared
as if only one failure the more had been made in the toilsome march of
human progress.
But it was not an entire failure. The revolutionary disturbances had at
least proved that many of the old institutions were untenable, and must
in whole or in part be removed. It was found necessary to make some
concessions to Liberalism. Much of the old feudalism was set aside.
Above all, both in the middle and working class there had arisen a new
spirit which only awaited the opportunity that was sure to come. The
opportunity arrived a few years afterwards, when the forces which have
made the Germany of to-day came into action. In the new circumstances it
was an interesting question how far the _bourgeoisie_ and the working
class could march together. It is a standing charge brought against
German Liberalism by the Social Democrats, that it has never led the
progressive forces against the reaction with any degree of courage or
resolution. They maintain that in the revolutionary struggles of 1848
the German Liberals never trusted the working class, that when the
choice came to be made between the reaction and a strenuous democratic
policy supported by the proletariat, they preferred to transact with the
reaction, and so committed treason on the sacred cause of progress. On
this question largely turns the history of recent German politics. It is
a wide and complicated question which can be rightly answered only by
due consideration of the facts of the historical situation.
The middle class had triumphed both in France and England. But the
industrial revolution which naturally brings with it the rule of the
middle class, was in Germany much later than in France and England. In
1848 the German middle class was still in its infancy, and had neither
the insight nor the material means to lead the democracy against the
reaction with any prospect of success; nor was it reasonable to expect
that it should.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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