The radical and democratic republicans are to a large degree dependent
on labour and socialist support. There is also a growing conviction that
the political principles of the Revolution of 1789, which are so dear to
the French heart, cannot be realised apart from the economic principles
which are comprehended in socialism. In the great debate of Clemenceau
with Jaurèz in the Chamber in 1906 it was no impassable gulf which
separated radical and socialist. The former was in favour of a graduated
income-tax, the eight hours’ day, and the restoration of monopolies to
the State. What we may call the prevailing republican atmosphere is most
favourable to social justice and the claims of labour. But it would be a
very serious mistake to believe that France is at all convinced of the
reasonableness or practicability of the abstract collectivism of the
socialist party. When a motion for the substitution of collective
property for individual property was put to the vote at the close of the
debate, it was rejected by 505 to only 55. As at present advised, France
will have neither clericalism nor collectivism.
The socialists form a majority in many of the most important French
communes, and exercise great practical influence on their work. Thus
they are taking a large part in the national and local life of France.
Revolutionary feeling tending to anarchism has considerable influence in
France, especially among the trade unions (_syndicats ouvriers_).
The Italian socialist party definitely separated itself from anarchism
and formed a distinct organisation at a congress in Genoa in 1892. Its
career has been a hard and troubled one. There has been much discord in
its own household. The government was for some years openly hostile. It
has been concerned in many strikes and popular disturbances. The working
classes of Italy, we must remember, were from an educational, economic,
and political point of view at an inferior stage of progress. Between
the various provinces, and especially between the north and south, the
differences of development were very serious. Italy has had long to
suffer from the burden of a divided and depressed historical past.
At the general election of 1892 the party had only 26,000 votes and
returned 6 deputies. The next elections showed a rapid increase, till in
1900 they counted 175,000 votes and returned 32 members to the Chamber.
On that occasion an alliance with the radicals and republicans partly
accounted for the increase of members returned. At the general election
of 1904 the party had a voting strength of 320,000, but returned only 27
members.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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