One of the first duties of the people will obviously be to simplify the
cumbrous machinery of the Constitution, and to make it a more efficient
organ of their will. In the two great crises of American history,
nothing strikes us so forcibly as the high standard of character and
intelligence which was shown. It may be regarded as a symptom of a
really strong race, that they were so slow and reluctant to take
decisive measures in the struggle for Independence and at the time of
the Civil War. We may now see the same natural hesitation in deciding
how to handle a problem of surpassing gravity. Such crises are the
severest and truest tests of national character. All friends of freedom
in every part of the world will fervently hope that the people of
America may display their historic qualities of insight, high principle,
energy, and resolution in the mighty struggle of Commonwealth against
Wealth upon which they are entering.
According to Liebknecht, late leader of the German socialists, ‘the
social democracy is the party of the whole people, except 200,000 large
proprietors, squires, middle-class capitalists, and priests.’ We need
not discuss the exactitude of such figures in relation either to Germany
or any other country. It is a fact which no reasonable man can dispute
that economic and political power is in most civilised countries
actually wielded by a very small minority. Nor need we stay here to
inquire into the methods by which such power has been gained. Even as
regards England we have not yet an impartial and comprehensive account
of the rise of the present economic and political order since the
liquidation of the mediæval system began about the middle of the
fourteenth century. How labour legislation was carried on by the ruling
class in its own interests for five centuries after 1349; how Henry
VIII. took his courtiers and privy councillors into partnership for the
dividing of the church lands; how commons were inclosed; how even the
poor-law became an occasion for the subjection and degradation of
labour; how for generations bribery was a normal instrument of
government; how wealth was gained in the slave-trade, in the East
Indies, in the jobbing of government loans and contracts, and by the
imposition of corn-laws—all these we vaguely know, but they have not
yet been presented in a form which can satisfy the canons of scientific
history.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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