In nearly all countries the interests of the rural workers have been by
socialists neglected or sacrificed for the industrial workers. This is
particularly observable in agrarian questions and questions of tariff.
They have not seen that at least temporary legislation has been required
to save the rural workers from ruin by the exceptional competition of
cheap farm products from America. Generally they have considered the
interests of the workers as consumers rather than as producers. The
Socialist Revolutionary Party in Russia have, however, seriously faced
the agrarian problem in their programme in language of carefully
calculated vagueness. Proceeding from the basis of the old communal
ownership, they advocate the socialisation of all land under an
administration of popular self-government, central and local. ‘The use
of the land will be based on labour and the principle of equality, that
is to say, it will guarantee the satisfaction of the needs of the
producer, working himself individually or in society.’ Rent will be used
for collective needs. The subsoil will belong to the State. In Finland,
which is the most socialistic country of Europe, the Social Democratic
Party has also specially dealt with the agrarian question.
While it has hitherto been the too general tendency of socialists to
distrust and oppose the existing system of government and
administration, they are now in point of fact taking a larger part in
the work of state and commune. Such work, like all other practical work,
will serve as a wholesome discipline for parties whose energies have
been too much expended and wasted in sterile opposition and unprofitable
criticism. And it may lead them to see that the antagonism of other
parties may be due to honest ignorance or well-justified doubt. Even in
Germany Bebel admits that so much intercourse in the Reichstag and its
committees between Social Democrats and the other parties has led to a
friendlier feeling among them. But the main point that we wish to bring
out here is that organised and progressive labour in all countries and
in all its departments, trade unions, co-operative societies, etc., is
being more and more inspired by socialistic aims, and tends more and
more to form a solid and organic movement on practical lines. How far
the movement may in the future conform or attain to the collectivist
type remains to be seen.
We must particularly emphasise the fact that nothing adverse to a
reasonable patriotism, to religion, marriage, or the family, is now
found in the programmes of parties or in the resolutions of congresses.
The International and the Socialist Parties clearly recognise that their
task is the emancipation of labour, and that it is of an economic and
political nature. Those who mix up this great problem with questions of
religion and marriage do so on their own responsibility. They have no
right to speak on behalf of socialism, and have no influence or
authority beyond what they may personally possess.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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