A History of Sumer and Akkad: An account of the early races of Babylonia from prehistoric times to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchyKing, L. W. (Leonard William)
History
A History of Sumer and Akkad: An account of the early races of Babylonia from prehistoric times to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchy
King, L. W. (Leonard William)
Akkadians; Babylonia -- History; Sumerians
[15] See the plate opposite p. 102. The king of Ma'er's figure is the
one on the right.
[16] Cf. Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," II., pl. 44, No. 96, and
Thureau-Dangin, "Königsinschriften," p. 158 f.
[17] See Heuzey, "Revue d'Assyr.," IV., p. 109; cf.
"Königsinschriften," p>. 160 f.
[18] See the blocks on p. 98. A variant form of the emblem occurs on
the perforated block of Dudu (see the plate facing p. 110). There the
lions turn to bite the spread wings of the eagle, indicating that the
emblem is symbolical of strife ending in the victory of Lagash (cf.
Heuzey, "Cat.," p. 121).
[19] See the Cone of Entemena, "Déc. en Chald.," p. xlvii.;
and cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., pp. 37 ff., and
"Königsinschriften," pp. 36 ff. Entemena's sketch of the early
relations of Lagash and Umma precedes his account of his own conquest
of the latter city; see below, p. 164 f.
[20] See above, pp. 11, 21 f.
[21] See Hilprecht, "Old Babylonian Inscriptions," Pt. II., p. 62, pl.
46, No. 108 f., and Pt. I., p. 47.
[22] See Hilprecht, _op. cit._, Pt. II., p. 51, pl. 43, No. 93;
cf. Winckler, "Altorientalische Forschungen," I., p. 372 f., and
Thureau-Dangin, "Königsinschriften," p. 160 f.
[23] See "Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum," Pt. III., pl.
1, and cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 74, and
"Königsinschriften," p. 160 f. For a photographic reproduction of the
tablet, see the plate facing p. 218.
[24] Since the central cult of Ninni and of Anu was at Erech, it is
possible that Lugal-tarsi's dedication implies the subjection of Erech
to Kish at this period.
[25] See above, pp. 91 ff.
[26] "Déc. en Chaldée," p. xl.; cf. Thureau-Dangin,
"Königsinschriften," p. 10 f.
[27] See Thureau-Dangin, "Recueil de tablettes chaldéennes," p. 1, pl.
1, No. 1.
[28] It has been suggested that the title lugal, "king," did
not acquire its later significance until the age of Sargon
(Shar-Gani-sharri), but that it was used by earlier rulers as
the equivalent of the Semitic belu, "lord" (cf. Ungnad, "Orient.
Lit.-Zeit.," 1908, col. 64, n. 5). But, in view of the fact that
Mesilim bore the title, it would seem that in his time it already
conveyed a claim to greater authority than that inherent in the word
patesi. The latter title was of a purely religious origin; when borne
by a ruler it designated him as the representative of his city-god, but
the title "king" was of a more secular character, and connoted a wider
dominion. But it must be admitted that some inconsistencies in the use
of the titles by members of Ur-Ninâ's dynasty seem to suggest that
the distinction between them was not quite so marked as in the later
periods.
[29] See Hilprecht, "Zeits. für Assyr.," XI., p. 330 f.; and
Thureau-Dangin, _op. cit._, XV., p. 403.
[30] See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," IV., p. 106. A fragment of a similar
bowl, probably of the same early period, is definitely stated in the
inscription upon it to have been set aside for Bau as a part of certain
spoil.
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