A History of Sumer and Akkad: An account of the early races of Babylonia from prehistoric times to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchyKing, L. W. (Leonard William)
History
A History of Sumer and Akkad: An account of the early races of Babylonia from prehistoric times to the foundation of the Babylonian monarchy
King, L. W. (Leonard William)
Akkadians; Babylonia -- History; Sumerians
The high social standing of several of the immigrants, whose names
are enumerated on the obelisk, suggests a comparison with the late
traditions concerning Sargon's high-handed treatment of "the sons of
his palace."[62] The Neo-Babylonian Chronicle relates that Sargon
caused "the sons of his palace," that is his relatives and personal
attendants, to settle for five _kasgid_ around, and it adds that over
the hosts of the world he reigned supreme. The Omen-tablet represents
certain nobles, or powerful adherents of the king, as having been
dispossessed of their dwellings in consequence of additions made to the
royal palace; and they are recorded to have appealed to Sargon to tell
them where they should go. It is quite possible that these episodes
in the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian texts had some such historical
basis as that suggested in the preceding paragraph. Shar-Gani-sharri
may have adopted Manishtusu's policy and carried it out on a more
extensive scale. The deportations from Akkad, referred to in the late
tradition, may have been intended to strengthen the loyal elements in
the provinces. In the course of centuries the motive which prompted the
movement would be forgotten or misunderstood, and it would be ascribed
to some such material cause as an increase in the size of the royal
palace. If this was only part of a settled policy, we may conjecture
that similar transfers were effected in the population of other parts
of the empire.
The effect of such a policy would undoubtedly have been to weaken the
power of resistance formerly possessed by self-contained city-states
against the hegemony of any one of their number. In this respect the
kings of Kish and Akkad would only have been carrying out, on a
less ambitious scale and over a smaller area, the policy which the
later Assyrian kings so ruthlessly enforced throughout the whole of
Western Asia. But, although successful for a time, no state could be
permanently established upon such a basis. The forces of discontent
were bound to come to a head, and in Shar-Gani-sharri's own case we
may perhaps trace to this cause the revolt of all the lands, which is
recorded to have taken place in his old age. It is perhaps significant,
too, that Urumush is related to have met his end in a palace
revolution.[63]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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