A history of the American people, Vol. 2 [of 5] : $b Colonies and nationWilson, Woodrow
History
A history of the American people, Vol. 2 [of 5] : $b Colonies and nation
Wilson, Woodrow
United States -- History
sent their real leaders, as the other colonies did; and September saw a
notable gathering at Philadelphia,—a gathering from which conservatives
as well as radicals hoped to see come forth some counsel of wisdom and
accommodation.
[Illustration: JOHN ADAMS]
Every colony but Georgia sent delegates to the Congress. Not all who
attended had been regularly elected by the colonial assemblies. The
Virginian delegates had been elected by Virginia’s August convention,
a body unknown to the law; in some of the colonies there had been no
timely sessions of the assemblies at which a choice could be made, and
representatives had accordingly been appointed by their committees
of correspondence, or elected directly by the voters at the town and
county voting places. But no one doubted any group of delegates real
representatives,—at any rate, of the predominant political party in
their colony. In New York and Pennsylvania the conservatives had had the
upper hand, and had chosen men who were expected to speak for measures
of accommodation and for obedience to law. In the other colonies, if
only for the nonce, the more radical party had prevailed, and had sent
representatives who were counted on to speak unequivocally for the
liberties of the colonies, even at the hazard of uttering words and
urging action which might seem revolutionary and defiant.
It was noteworthy and significant how careful a selection had been
made of delegates. No doubt the most notable group was the group of
Virginians: Colonel Washington; that “masterly man,” Richard Henry Lee,
as Mr. John Adams called him, as effective in Philadelphia as he had been
in the House of Burgesses; Patrick Henry, whose speech was so singularly
compounded of thought and fire; Edmund Pendleton, who had read nothing
but law books and knew nothing but business, and yet showed such winning
grace and convincing frankness withal in debate; Colonel Harrison,
brusque country gentleman, without art or subterfuge, downright and
emphatic; Mr. Bland, alert and formidable at sixty-four, with the steady
insight of the life-long student; and Mr. Peyton Randolph, their official
leader and spokesman, whom the Congress chose its president, a man full
of address, and seeming to carry privilege with him as a right inherited.
Samuel Adams and John Adams had come from Massachusetts, with Mr. Cushing
and Mr. Paine. South Carolina had sent two members of the Stamp Act
Congress of 1765, Mr. Christopher Gadsden and Mr. John Rutledge, with
Mr. Edward Rutledge also, a youth of twenty-five, and plain Mr. Lynch,
clad in homespun, as direct and sensible and above ceremony as Colonel
Harrison. Connecticut’s chief spokesman was Roger Sherman, rough as a
peasant without, but in counsel very like a statesman, and in all things
a hard-headed man of affairs. New York was represented by Mr. John Jay,
not yet thirty, but of the quick parts of the scholar and the principles
of a man of honor. Joseph Galloway, the well-poised Speaker and leader
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