shall extend from the Belgian Congo to the Southern Ocean. It is a question that is very complex, and one from which sentimentality, rash legislation, arbitrary pronouncements, and race prejudice must be carefully excluded. Had it been dealt with by far-sighted men like Sir George Grey in earlier times when the foundations of British South Africa were being laid, many causes of future trouble might have been eliminated. For instance some other solution of the Basuto claims might have been found than the handing over (fifty years ago) to the Basuto negroes 11,000 square miles of the finest mountain country of South Africa, a region intended by nature to have been the Empire state of that region. Basutoland is a beautiful mountain country, well watered, with fertile valleys and snow-crowned peaks. Owing to its cold climate it was rather shunned by the South African negroes until the ancestors of the Basuto were driven thither in the early 19th century to take refuge from the raiding Zulus. Had we offered the original ten to twenty thousand Basutos good locations on fertile land at lower levels when we first intervened to save them from Boer attacks (the Boers having intervened earlier still to save them from the Zulu hordes) they would have accepted. Now they are a well-armed people of nearly half a-million, no longer grateful to the white man, but the possible nucleus of a Black confederation. Their influence can only be stayed by the fair treatment of the Black man outside Basutoland, by the policy of Cape Town and not that of Johannesburg. The contentment of and the hold which education is getting over the million and a half of Kafirs in Cape Colony are valuable counter-agents to Basuto presumption and ambition, and a proof that our oldest colony in South Africa possesses statecraft.