A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of CorunnaOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of Corunna
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
After a delay of some weeks Lord Collingwood sent in to the Junta the
reply of his government. It was far from being of the kind that Morla
and his friends had hoped. Canning had answered that no stipulations
made at Baylen could bind Great Britain, but that to oblige her
allies, and to avoid compromising their honour, she consented to
allow the French army to be sent back to France, and to be landed
in successive detachments of 4,000 men at some port between Brest
and Rochefort (i.e. at Nantes or L’Orient). It is painful to have to
add that neither the Junta of Seville nor the Supreme Central Junta,
which superseded that body, took any steps to carry out this project.
Dupont himself, his generals, and his staff, were sent home to France,
but their unfortunate troops were kept for a time in cantonments in
Andalusia, then sent on board pontoons in the Bay of Cadiz, where
they were subjected to all manner of ill usage and half-starved, and
finally dispatched to the desolate rock of Cabrera, in the Balearic
Islands, where more than half of them perished of cold, disease, and
insufficient nourishment[164]. Vedel’s men were imprisoned no less than
Dupont’s, and the survivors were only released at the conclusion of the
general peace of 1814.
[164] For the horrors of Cabrera, the works of three of the
prisoners, Ducor of the Marines of the Guard, and Gille and Wagré
of Vedel’s division, may be consulted. Their story is deeply
distressing.
So ended the strange and ill-fought campaign of Baylen. It is clear
that Dupont’s misfortunes were of his own creation. He ought never to
have lingered at Andujar till July was far spent, but should either
have massed his three divisions and fallen upon Castaños, or have
retired to a safe defensive position at Baylen or La Carolina and have
waited to be attacked. He might have united something over 20,000 men,
and could have defied every effort of the 35,000 Spaniards to drive
him back over the Sierra Morena. By dividing his army into fractions
and persisting in holding Andujar, he brought ruin upon himself. But
the precise form in which the ruin came about was due less to Dupont
than to Vedel. That officer’s blind and irrational march on La Carolina
and abandonment of Baylen on July 17-18 gave the Spaniards the chance
of interposing between the two halves of the French army. If Vedel had
made a proper reconnaissance on the seventeenth, he would have found
that Reding had not marched for the passes, but was still lingering at
Mengibar. Instead, however, of sweeping the country-side for traces of
the enemy, he credited a wild rumour, and hurried off to La Carolina,
leaving the fatal gap behind him. All that followed was his fault: not
only did he compromise the campaign by his march back to the passes,
but when he had discovered his mistake he returned with a slowness that
was inexcusable. If he had used ordinary diligence he might yet have
saved Dupont on the nineteenth: it was his halt at Guarroman, while
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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