A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of CorunnaOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of Corunna
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
But besides Articles XVI and XVII of the Convention there were other
clauses to which Dalrymple should not have given his assent without
consulting the representatives of his allies. Almeida was being
blockaded by a mass of Portuguese militia, and Elvas, a few days after
the treaty had been signed, was attacked by a Spanish force sent out
from Badajoz by Galluzzo, the Captain-General of Estremadura. No
British soldier had yet been seen within a hundred miles of either
fortress. What was to be done if the generals of the besieging troops
refused to abide by an agreement which they had not been asked to sign,
and which had not even been laid before their respective governments
ere it was definitively ratified? A grave crisis, as we shall find, was
created by Dalrymple’s neglect to foresee this difficulty. His conduct
all through the days of negotiation was very strange; not only did he
make no proper attempt to communicate with the Portuguese authorities,
but he actually left his own government uninformed of his proceedings
for a fortnight. He failed to send them any dispatch to announce
the armistice of August 22, and only forwarded that detailing the
Convention of August 30 on the fourth day of the succeeding month.
Dalrymple’s main reason for leaving the Portuguese out of the
negotiations was that the Junta at Oporto had not yet been formally
recognized as the legitimate government of Portugal[259]. Wellesley,
no doubt, had conferred with the Bishop, given him arms and munitions,
procured from him food and draught animals, and asked his advice, but
the British ministry had not yet acknowledged the existence of any
regular executive in Portugal. This being so, Dalrymple thought himself
justified in acting as if there were none in being; and it cannot be
denied that thereby he saved himself much present trouble, at the cost
of future friction. All, therefore, that he did was to inform the
Junta’s agent at the British head quarters, one Pinto da Souza, that he
was negotiating with Junot for the evacuation of Lisbon, and that he
was open to receive any observations which the Junta might make. The
same announcement was made to Bernardino Freire, who had ridden over
to Ramalhal[260] to complain that he and his army were not mentioned
in the armistice of August 22. Both Freire and the Junta were treated
as persons whose opinions it was useful to obtain, not as constituted
authorities whose consent to the definitive convention was necessary
in order to make it binding. Dalrymple tried to cover himself during
the subsequent inquiry by maintaining that the Convention was purely
military, and concerned the French and English armies alone: but this
plea cannot seriously be put forward in face of Articles XV, XVI, and
XVII, all of which are concerned with problems of civil government,
which would arise after the French army should have embarked. Each
of these articles clearly required the ratification of some proper
Portuguese authority to make it valid.
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