A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of CorunnaOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of Corunna
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
Accordingly such a petition was laid before the King on October 12.
Its terms are worth a moment’s attention, as they show very clearly
the points on which popular indignation had been concentrated. ‘The
treaty,’ it states, ‘is humiliating and degrading, because after
a signal victory, by which the enemy appears to have been cut off
from all means of succour or escape, we had the sad mortification of
seeing the laurels so nobly acquired torn from the brows of our brave
soldiers, and terms granted to the enemy disgraceful to the British
name.... By this ignominious Convention British ships are to convey to
France the French army and its plunder, where they will be at liberty
immediately to recommence their active operations against us and our
allies. And the full recognition of the title and dignity of Emperor
of France[282], while all mention of the Government of Portugal is
omitted, must be considered as highly disrespectful to the authorities
of that country.’ There was another clause denouncing the sending back
of the Russian sailors, but not so much stress was laid on this point.
Finally the King is asked ‘in justice to the outraged feelings of a
brave, injured, and indignant people, whose blood and treasure have
been thus expended,’ to cause the guilty persons to be punished.
[282] The petitioners ought in fairness to have stated that this
was only made in the document setting forth the armistice, and
not in the definitive Convention.
King George III replied to these flowers of oratory by a short speech
which displays admirably that power of getting an occasional lucid
glimpse of the obvious in which he was by no means deficient. He
was fully sensible, he said, of the loyalty and good intentions of
the City of London, but he wished the deputation to remember that
to pronounce judgement without previous trial and investigation was
hardly consonant with the principles of British justice. He was always
ready to institute an inquiry when the honour of the British arms was
in question: and the interposition of the City of London was not
necessary to induce him to set one on foot in this case, when the hopes
and expectations of the nation had been so much disappointed.
It was not, however, till seventeen days later that his majesty’s
formal orders for the summoning of a Court of Inquiry ‘to investigate
into the late Armistice and Convention concluded in Portugal, and
all the circumstances connected therewith,’ were communicated to
the Commander-in-Chief. Dalrymple and Burrard, both of whom had now
returned to England, were directed to hold themselves in readiness
to present themselves before the court, and Wellesley, for the same
reason, was directed to abandon his project of going back to the
Peninsula in order to serve under Sir John Moore.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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