A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of CorunnaOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of Corunna
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
There remained therefore only the third plan for creating a supreme
government in Spain--that which proposed that the various existing
Juntas should each send deputies to some convenient spot, and that the
union of these representatives should constitute a central authority
for the whole realm. This scheme was not so clearly constitutional
as the summoning of the Cortes would have been, nor did it provide
for real unity of direction in so complete a way as would have been
secured by the appointment of a single Regent. But it had the practical
advantage of conciliating the various provincial Juntas: though they
sacrificed their local sovereignty, they obtained at least the power
of nominating their own masters. In each of them the more active and
ambitious members hoped that they might secure for themselves the
places of delegates to the new supreme assembly. Accordingly the
Juntas were induced, one after another, to consent to the scheme.
Public opinion ran so strongly in favour of unity, and the existing
administrative chaos was so clearly undesirable, that it was impossible
to protest against the creation of a Supreme Central Junta. Some of the
provinces--notably Murcia, Valencia, and Granada--showed a patriotic
spirit of self-abnegation and favoured the project from the first. Even
Galicia and Seville, where the spirit of particularism was strongest,
dared not openly resist the movement. There were malcontents who
suggested that a federal constitution was preferable to a centralized
one, and that it would suffice for the provinces to bind themselves
together by treaties of alliance, instead of handing themselves over to
a newly created executive. But even in Aragon, where federal union with
Castile seemed more attractive to many than complete incorporation,
the obvious necessity for common military action determined the
situation[358]. Every province of Spain at last adhered to the project
for constructing a Supreme Central Junta. Even the narrow-minded
politicians at Seville had to assume an attitude of hearty consent. But
their reluctance peeped out in the suggestion which they made that the
Junta should meet, not at Madrid, but at Ciudad Real or Almagro in La
Mancha, places convenient to themselves, but obscure and remote in the
eyes of inhabitants of Asturias or Galicia. Their aversion to Madrid
was partly caused by its remoteness from their own borders, but much
more by jealousy of the Council of Castile, which still hung together
and exercised local authority in the capital. Other Juntas showed
their aversion for the Council in the same way, and ultimately the
place selected for the gathering of the new government was the royal
residence of Aranjuez, which stands to Madrid much as do Versailles
or Windsor to Paris and London. This choice was an obvious mistake:
the central government of a country loses in dignity when it does not
reside in the national capital. It seems to distrust its own power or
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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