A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of CorunnaOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 1, 1807-1809 : $b From the treaty of Fontainbleau to the battle of Corunna
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
When we look at the main topics of its debates we begin to understand
its failures. A good deal of time was spent in voting honorary
distinctions to its own members. The President was to be addressed
as ‘his highness,’ the Junta as a corporation was ‘its majesty,’ if
we may use the ludicrous phrase. Each member became ‘his excellency’
and received the liberal salary of 120,000 reals (£1,200), besides
the right of wearing on his breast a gold plaque with an embossed
representation of the eastern and western hemispheres. There was a
good deal of dispensing of places and patronage in the army and the
civil service among relatives and dependencies of ‘their excellencies,’
but not more perhaps than happens in other countries in war-time when
a new government comes in. At least the changes led to the getting
rid of a good many of Godoy’s old bureaucrats. The real fault of the
Junta lay in its readiness to fall into factions, and fight over
constitutional questions that should have been relegated to times of
peace. Among the thirty-five members of the Junta a clear majority
were, like their president, Florida Blanca, Spaniards of the old
school, whose ideas of government were those of the autocratic sort
that had prevailed under Alberoni and Charles III. They looked upon
all innovations as tinged with the poison of the French Revolution and
savouring of Jacobinism and infidelity. On the other hand there was a
powerful minority, headed by Jovellanos and including Martin de Garay,
the secretary of the Junta, the Marquis of Campo Sagrado, Valdes,
Calvo de Rozas, and others, who held more modern views and hoped that
the main result of the war would be to make Spain a constitutional
monarchy of the English type. How far this dream was from realization
was shown by the fact that among the first measures passed through
the Supreme Junta were ordinances allowing the Jesuits (expelled long
since by Charles III) to return to Spain, recreating the office of
Inquisitor-General, and suspending the liberty of the press. Such
measures filled the liberal section in the Junta with despair, by
showing the narrow and reactionary views of the majority. But the
greater part of the time spent in session by ‘its majesty’ was wasted
on purely constitutional questions. Firstly there was a long polemic
with the Council of Castile, whose hatred for the Junta took the form
of starting doubts as to the legality of its constitution[367]. It
suggested that all constitutional precedents were against a body so
numerous as thirty-five persons taking charge of the governance of
the realm. Former councils of regency had been composed of three or
five members only, and there was no legal authority for breaking the
rule. The Council suggested that the only way out of the difficulty
would be to call the Cortes, and that assembly would at once supersede
the authority of the Supreme Junta. Instead of arguing with the
Council of Castile, the new government would have done well to arrest
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