A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 2, Jan.-Sep. 1809 : $b From the battle of Corunna to the end of the Talavera campaignOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 2, Jan.-Sep. 1809 : $b From the battle of Corunna to the end of the Talavera campaign
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
[352] _Memorandum on the Defence of Portugal_, of March 7.
It is the survey of documents such as these that enables us to
appreciate Wellesley at his best. He had gauged perfectly well the
situation and difficulties of the French. He saw exactly how much
was in his own power. The whole history of the Peninsular War for
the next two years is foreseen in his prophetic statement, that with
30,000 British troops and the Portuguese levies he would guarantee
to hold his own against any force of less than 100,000 French, and
that he did not think that the enemy would find it easy to collect
an army of that size to send against him. This is precisely what he
accomplished: for the first fifteen months after his arrival he held
with ease that frontier which Moore had described as ‘indefensible
against a superior force.’ When at last Napoleon, free from all
other continental troubles, launched against him an army under
Masséna, which almost reached the figure[353] that he had described
as irresistible in 1809, he showed in 1810-11 that he had built up
resources for himself which enabled him to beat off even that number
of enemies. Though four-fifths of Spain had been subdued, he held his
own, because he had grasped the fundamental truth that (to use his
own words) ‘the more ground the French hold down, the weaker will
they be at any given point.’ In short, he had fathomed the great
secret, that Napoleon’s military power--vast as it was--had its
limits: that the Emperor could not send to Spain a force sufficient
to hold down every province of a thoroughly disaffected country,
and also to provide (over and above the garrisons) a field army
large enough to beat the Anglo-Portuguese and capture Lisbon. If the
French dispersed their divisions, and kept down the vast tracts of
conquered territory, they had no force left with which to take the
offensive against Portugal: if they massed their armies, they had to
give up broad regions, which immediately relapsed into insurrection
and required to be subdued again. This was as true in the beginning
of the war as in the end. In 1809 the army that forced Wellesley
to retreat after Talavera was only produced by evacuating the
whole province of Galicia, which passed back into the hands of the
insurgents. In 1812, in a similar way, the overpowering force which
beat him back from Burgos, had been gathered only by surrendering to
the Spanish Government the whole of the four kingdoms of Andalusia.
On the other hand, during the long periods when the enemy had
dispersed himself, and was garrisoning the whole south and centre of
Spain, e.g. for the first six months of 1810, and for the last six
months of 1811, Wellesley held his own on the Portuguese frontier
in complete confidence, assured that no sufficient force could be
brought up against him, till the enemy either procured new troops
from France or gave up some great section of the regions which he was
holding down. A detailed insight into the future is impossible to
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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