A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 3, Sep. 1809-Dec. 1810 : $b Ocaña, Cadiz, Bussaco, Torres VedrasOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 3, Sep. 1809-Dec. 1810 : $b Ocaña, Cadiz, Bussaco, Torres Vedras
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
Of all the reasons for delay which were valid on November 20th there
was now none left unremoved save the most important of all. The
Emperor had not yet made his intentions known; though pressed to
declare his will by every letter sent by his brother or by Soult,
he gave no answer as to a general plan of campaign. Several of his
dispatches had reached Madrid: they were full of details as to the
troops which he was sending across the Pyrenees, they contained some
advice as to finance, and some rebukes for the King concerning petty
matters of administration[121], but there was no permission, still
less any order, to invade Andalusia or Portugal; nor did Napoleon
deign to state that he was, or was not, coming to Spain in person.
It was only when Joseph received the first dispatch opening up the
matter of the divorce of Josephine[122], that he was able to guess
that, with such an affair on hand, his brother would not set out for
the Peninsula during the winter or the early spring.
[121] The Emperor scolds his brother for not sending to Paris the
flags taken at Ocaña, and for calling Sebastiani’s 3rd Division
‘the Polish division’ instead of ‘the division of the Grand Duchy
of Warsaw!’
[122] In a dispatch dated from the Trianon on Dec. 17.
By the middle of December Joseph had made up his mind that it would
be politic to attack Andalusia without delay. He had won over Soult
to his ideas--the Marshal having now abandoned the plan, which he had
urged so strongly in the autumn, that Lisbon not Seville should be
the objective of the next French advance. It is easy to understand
the King’s point of view--he wished rather to complete the conquest
of his own realm, by subduing its wealthiest and most populous
province, than to do his brother’s work in Portugal, where he had
no personal interest. It is less obvious why Soult concurred with
him--as a great strategist he should have envisaged the situation
from the military rather than the political point of view. Apparently
Joseph had won him over by giving him all that he asked, and treating
him with effusive courtesy: their old quarrels of the preceding
summer had been entirely forgotten. At any rate Soult had now become
the ardent advocate of the invasion of Andalusia, though--as his
predecessor Jourdan tersely puts it--‘the English army being now the
only organized force in a state to face the imperial troops, and its
presence in the Peninsula being the thing that sustained the Spanish
government and gave confidence to the Spanish people, I imagine that
we ought to have set ourselves to destroy that army, rather than to
have disseminated our troops in garrisoning the whole surface of
Spain[123].’ The same thought was in the Emperor’s mind when he wrote
in January--too late to stop the Andalusian expedition--that ‘the
only danger in Spain is the English army; the rest are partisans who
can never hold the field against us[124].’
[123] Jourdan, _Mémoires_, p. 294.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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