with 18,000 men[242] escaladed Badajoz, a powerful fortress defended by an excellent governor and 5,000 French veterans: Marmont with 28,000 men would not attempt to escalade Rodrigo, although its breaches were scarcely healed and its garrison disaffected.’ This statement omits the essential details that Wellington had a large siege-train, had opened three broad breaches in the walls of Badajoz, and, while the enemy was fully occupied in defending them, escaladed distant points of the _enceinte_ with success. Marmont had no siege-train, and therefore could have made no breaches; he would have had to cope with an undistracted garrison, holding ramparts everywhere intact. Moreover, Ciudad Rodrigo and its outworks form a compact fortress, of not half the circumference of Badajoz and its dependencies. If Ney and Masséna, with an adequate siege apparatus, treated Rodrigo with respect in 1810, and proceeded against it by regular operations, Marmont would have been entirely unjustified in trying the desperate method of escalade in 1812. The fortifications, as Napier grudgingly admits, were ‘healed’: an escalade against Carlos de España’s garrison would certainly have met the same fate as Suchet’s assault on Saguntum, a much weaker and unfinished stronghold. But it is unnecessary to follow into detail Napier’s controversial statements, which are all part of a wrong-headed scheme to prove Napoleon infallible on all occasions and at all costs. [241] See chapter vii of book iv, _Peninsular War_, iv. pp. 138-40. [242] Why omit the 30,000 men of Graham and Hill? The governing facts cannot be disputed: Marmont in February placed three divisions on the Tagus, which were to form the advanced guard of an army that was to march to the relief of Badajoz, whose siege he foresaw. Napoleon told him not to concern himself about Badajoz, and compelled him to concentrate his army about Salamanca. He instructed him that the proper reply to an attack on Badajoz by Wellington was an invasion of northern Portugal, and gave him elaborate instructions concerning it. Marmont reluctantly obeyed, and was starting on such an expedition when he was suddenly told that he might move on Badajoz. But he only received this permission ten days before that fortress was stormed: it was therefore useless. The Emperor must take the responsibility. SECTION XXXII: CHAPTER III THE SIEGE OF BADAJOZ. MARCH-APRIL 1812 In narrating the troubles of the unlucky Duke of Ragusa, engaged in fruitless strategical controversy with his master, we have been carried far into the month of March 1812. It is necessary to return to February 20th in order to take up the story of Wellington’s march to Estremadura. We have seen that he commenced his artillery preparations in January, by sending Alexander Dickson to Setubal, and dispatching a large part of his siege-train southward, partly by sea, partly across the difficult mountain roads of the Beira.