A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the PyreneesOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the Pyrenees
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
His compliance proved useful: Stapleton Cotton arrived in London
shortly after and ‘expressed himself decidedly against Sir William
Beresford’s claims, and with some warmth.’ Lord Bathurst explained to
him that Graham’s consent to the ‘temporary arrangement’ must govern
his own, and tried to put him off the idea that he himself would
undoubtedly become Wellington’s destined successor, if Graham refused
the post, by hinting that after all Graham might recover his eyesight,
and be able to take over the command. After showing much soreness,
Cotton reluctantly acquiesced. The War Minister, writing an account of
the interview to Wellington, ends with ‘I think it necessary to have
this explained beforehand, that you might not have any doubt whether
you were, after what has passed, to consider Sir Thomas Graham or Sir
Stapleton Cotton as the person who was to exercise the command in case
of your personal indisposition[339].’ So Beresford’s nomination was
passed, as Wellington desired, and contrary to the Duke of York’s views
as to the inevitable power of old precedent. But it was only passed by
the consent of the other parties concerned, however reluctantly given.
Fortunately Wellington preserved his usual splendid health, and the
experiment of trusting the whole Allied Army in the Peninsula to the
victor of Albuera was never made.
On another great controversy which (since Wellington never went off
duty for a day) was of more practical importance than that of the right
of succession, the Duke of York was partly successful in discomfiting
the Commander-in-Chief in Spain. This was a question on which there had
been much argument at the end of each Peninsular campaign, but never
so much as in 1812-13. The exceptionally heavy casualty lists of the
storming of Badajoz, the battle of Salamanca, and the retreat from
Burgos had brought a great number of units, both cavalry and infantry,
to very low figures. There were (as has been mentioned in a previous
chapter) twelve battalions which had at the end of the retreat less
than 300 bayonets effective, thirteen which had more sick than men
present with the colours. For some of these the difficulty was only
a momentary one--there was a large draft on the way to reinforce the
unit, or at least a good number of trained recruits in Great Britain
ready to be sent out. But this was not the case with all of them: the
reason of this was to be sought in the organization of the Army in
1812: the majority of infantry regiments had two battalions; if the
second unit was on home service, it regularly found drafts for the
one at the front. But if the regiment was a single-battalion corps
(and there were seven such with Wellington[340]), or if it chanced to
have both units abroad and none at home (as was the case with fifteen
other corps[341]), there was only a dépôt in Great Britain, and this
had to feed two battalions both on active service overseas, and often
could not discharge the double task effectively.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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