A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the PyreneesOman, Charles
History
A history of the Peninsular War, Vol. 6, September 1, 1812-August 5, 1813 : $b The siege of Burgos, the retreat from Burgos, the campaign of Vittoria, the battles of the Pyrenees
Oman, Charles
Peninsular War, 1807-1814
The position of the commander of Wellington’s detached corps in front
of Madrid had become a very responsible one between the 15th, when
Soult’s advance began, and the 24th, when the enemy came up to the line
of the Tagus and developed his attack. Fortunately Hill was in close
touch with his chief: so well was the line of communication between
them kept up, that it only took two days for a letter from Burgos
to reach Madrid--and vice versa. When the army had come back from
the Arlanzon to the Douro, the time became even shorter. Wellington
received at Cabezon on the evening of October 27th dispatches that Hill
had written on the morning of the 26th[122]. This contrasts wonderfully
with the slow travelling of French correspondence--Souham got at
Briviesca on October 17 a letter written by King Joseph at Valencia on
October 1st. It had been obliged to travel by the absurdly circuitous
route of Tortosa, Saragossa and Tudela. Truly the guerrilleros made
concerted movements of French armies singularly difficult.
On the 17th October Hill had already got off his first letter of alarm
to Wellington, saying that Soult was certainly on the move; by the
19th he knew that there was a column moving upon Cuenca, as well as
the larger force which was advancing by San Clemente and Belmonte. He
asked for orders, but meanwhile had to issue his own, in consonance
with earlier directions received from Wellington. These presupposed
two conditions which had not been realized--that the fords of the
Tagus would be impassable, and that Ballasteros’s Andalusian army
would already have crossed the Sierra Morena to Alcaraz and be lying
on Soult’s flank. But their general directions were still practicable:
the line of the Tagus was to be defended unless the enemy were in
overwhelming strength: if (contrary to Wellington’s expectation) the
whole French force in Valencia should advance, and its numbers prove
greater than Hill could hope to check, he had been directed to evacuate
Madrid, and to fall back beyond the Guadarrama, in order to join his
chief on the Adaja, south of Valladolid, in Old Castile[123]. The
first thing necessary was to discover the strength of the enemy--all
accounts sent in by the Spaniards agreed that it was very great, and
in particular, that the column going by Cuenca was no mere detachment,
but a solid and considerable force. Meanwhile Wellington, even as late
as October 12[124], had been informing Hill that his design of marching
down on Madrid with three divisions, when the siege of Burgos should be
either successfully concluded or else abandoned, was still retained.
Any morning a dispatch might come to say that the commander-in-chief,
with 15,000 men, was on his way to Valladolid; and therefore the army
in front of Madrid must be ready for him, concentrated and in marching
order. For if he came in person with such a reinforcement, Soult and
King Joseph could be fought and beaten, whenever they made their
appearance.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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