A History of the Trial of Castner Hanway and Others, for Treason, at Philadelphia in November, 1851: With an Introduction upon the History of the Slave QuestionMember of the Philadelphia bar
History
A History of the Trial of Castner Hanway and Others, for Treason, at Philadelphia in November, 1851: With an Introduction upon the History of the Slave Question
Member of the Philadelphia bar
Fugitive slaves -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- United States; Hanway, Castner, 1821-1893 -- Trials, litigation, etc.; Riots -- Pennsylvania -- Christiana; Trials (Treason) -- Pennsylvania -- Philadelphia; United States -- Fugitive slave law (1850)
To allay public excitement it was necessary to prove _publicly_ that
these exaggerated reports of traitorous combinations were merely
the result of vain boasting and a desire for notoriety on the part
of a few silly men, who had not wit enough to foresee the lamentable
consequences of abusing the authority with which they had been
imprudently entrusted. Whether the course pursued to gain this end was
the most judicious, is somewhat questionable, though it seems to have
been sanctioned by the very _highest_ authority in the country. The
parties implicated by the miserable management of those who took the
initiative measures, had rights, and, though the prerogatives of office
gave the _power_, it is doubtful whether a due regard to the public
welfare justified the Federal authorities in imprisoning for months
innocent men, subjecting them and their friends to the inconvenience
and expense of such investigations.
To prove to the nation that its bungling agents had arrested the wrong
men, cost the Government nearly Fifty Thousand Dollars. It excited
between the authorities of neighboring States bitter animosities
and unjust recriminations, where before had existed the best
feeling and undisturbed harmony. It, for a time at least, inflamed
sectional prejudices and caused renewed agitation of a question whose
difficulties the greatest men of the nation had for years been striving
to adjust peaceably. It cost the parties who were to be subjected to
this ordeal, their liberty for months, the total abandonment, and, in
some cases, the utter ruin of their business; to a few the loss of
health, to all the entire privation, until the trial, of those comforts
and sources of enjoyment upon which we are all so much dependent for
happiness, and an expenditure of money in preparing for their defence
that some were totally unable to meet, and that robbed a few of the
entire earnings of industry and frugality. It cost their families many
bitter tears and hours of anguish, depriving them for a protracted and
severe winter of their natural protectors, upon whose exertions many of
them were dependant for daily sustenance.
To compensate for this enormous public and private expenditure of
money--for the fearful, but, to public sympathy, the disregarded days
of agony which took the place of happy and peaceful hours--and for
this useless agitation throughout the nation, there resulted not the
slightest benefit, immediate or remote, to any individual, save to a
few of those who were engaged professionally in these cases.
There rests somewhere a fearful responsibility. This ill-timed attempt
to punish with public hatred and infamy, or with fine and imprisonment,
perhaps death, the innocent instead of the guilty, was the result
either of a pitiable desire for unenviable notoriety, or of a culpable
and unpardonable negligence on the part of those who were the sources
of the movement. For either cause, no excuse can be offered before any
tribunal.
FOOTNOTES:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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