But much more was established. The "Monroe Doctrine" became, and remains
to-day, the corner-stone of American foreign policy. It has been greatly
extended in scope, but no American Government has ever, for a moment,
wavered in its support. None could afford to do so. To many Englishmen
the doctrine itself, and still more the interpretation placed upon it by
the United States in later times, seems arrogant--just as to many
Americans the British postulate of unchallengeable supremacy at sea
seems arrogant. But both claims, arrogant or no, are absolutely
indispensable to the nation that puts them forward. If the American
Republic were once to allow the principle that European Powers had the
right, on any pretext whatever, to extend their borders on the American
Continent, then that Republic would either have to perish or to become
in all things a European Power, armed to the teeth, ever careful of the
balance of power, perpetually seeking alliances and watching rivals. The
best way to bring home to an honest but somewhat puzzled American--and
there are many such--why we cannot for a moment tolerate what is called
by some "the freedom of the seas," is to ask him whether he will give us
in return the "freedom" of the American Continent. The answer in both
cases is that sane nations do not normally, and with their eyes open,
commit suicide.
CHAPTER VI
THE JACKSONIAN REVOLUTION
During the "era of good feeling" in which the Virginian dynasty closed,
forces had been growing in the shadow which in a few short years were to
transform the Republic. The addition to these forces of a personality
completed the transformation which, though it made little or no change
in the laws, we may justly call a revolution.
The government of Jefferson and his successors was a government based on
popular principles and administered by democratically minded gentlemen.
The dreams of an aristocratic republic, which had been the half-avowed
objective of Hamilton, were dissipated for ever by the Democratic
triumph of 1800. The party which had become identified with such ideas
was dead; no politician any longer dared to call himself a Federalist.
The dogmas of the Declaration of Independence were everywhere recognized
as the foundation of the State, recognized and translated into practice
in that government was by consent, and in the main faithfully reflected
the general will. But the administration, in the higher branches at
least, was exclusively in the hands of gentlemen.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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