A journal, of a young man of Massachusetts, late a surgeon on board an American privateer, who was captured at sea by the British in May, eighteen hundred and thirteen and was confined first, at Melville Island, Halifax, then at Chatham, in England, and last at Dartmoor prison : $b Interspersed with observations, anecdotes and remarks, tending to illustrate the moral and political characters of three nations. To which is added, a correct engraving of Dartmoor prison, representing the massacre ofWaterhouse, Benjamin
History
A journal, of a young man of Massachusetts, late a surgeon on board an American privateer, who was captured at sea by the British in May, eighteen hundred and thirteen and was confined first, at Melville Island, Halifax, then at Chatham, in England, and last at Dartmoor prison : $b Interspersed with observations, anecdotes and remarks, tending to illustrate the moral and political characters of three nations. To which is added, a correct engraving of Dartmoor prison, representing the massacre of
Waterhouse, Benjamin
Dartmoor Prison; United States -- History -- War of 1812 -- Prisoners and prisons
By the report of the Legislature of Massachusetts upon the subject
of impressments, it would appear that no more than sixteen had
been impressed from this Commonwealth. What must be our conclusion
upon a comparison of this report, with that of Messrs. Shortland
and Magrath? It is irresistable, either that the former did not
report the full number of impressments, or that the latter have
aggravated their guilt and condemnation, by swelling the number to
a degree beyond what the facts would justify, from some cause,
unknown to their American advocates, and in favor of the facts and
principles, for which the American government have uniformly
contended. A few of those assumed as facts, by the present
dominant party in New-England, may aid us in this enquiry, and
perhaps conduct us to a correct conclusion. They have repeatedly
told us, that New-England, and more particularly Massachusetts,
has ever been the nursery of our seamen. That this section had
furnished more than the whole remaining part of the United States.
Admitting the correctness of the report of Shortland and Magrath,
we are wholly unable to reconcile the report of our Legislature
with those which they assume as facts, and upon which the
principles of their report were, in part, predicated. It exhibits
to our view a disposition to fritter away the enormities of the
British Government, and a determination to justify them in every
act of barbarity, however unjustifiable in its circumstances, or
however shocking in its operation.
The report of Messrs. King and Larpent may here claim a portion of
our attention. Unpleasant as the task may be, to reflect, even
indirectly upon the conduct of one of our countrymen, acting in
the high and solemn capacity to which Mr. King was called, we
cannot, however, without doing violence to our own feelings, and
criminating numbers of our countrymen, perhaps equally entitled to
credibility with Mr. King himself, afford our credence to his
singular report; especially when we see it contradicted
unconditionally, by the unfortunate witnesses of the unhappy and
barbarous transaction.
Even Mr. King himself, in his letter to Mr. Adams, furnishes a
tardy acknowledgment, that he had not completed the duties to
which he had been called. "Considering it of much importance (he
says) that the report, whatever it might be, should go forth under
our joint signatures, I have forborne to press some of the points
which it involves as far as otherwise I might have done." And why
did Mr. King forbear to press every point involved in the report?
Was it from a disposition to perform his whole duty to his
country; or, rather, from a too common admiration of British
principles and British characters.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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