A Letter on the Abolition of the Slave Trade: Addressed to the freeholders and other inhabitants of YorkshireWilberforce, William
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A Letter on the Abolition of the Slave Trade: Addressed to the freeholders and other inhabitants of Yorkshire
Wilberforce, William
Antislavery movements -- Great Britain; Slave trade -- Great Britain
But may we not be allowed to assume a higher tone, and to ask, if this
practice, though by a strange perversion of words it is called the Slave
Trade, ought indisputably to be considered as a most enormous crime,
rather than a commerce, is it not clearly our own duty to abstain from
it, and to prohibit and to punish the perpetration of it by our own
subjects, however it may still prevail in other countries?
It might serve to discover the monstrous tendencies of this argument, to
those whose moral principle is so dull and dark as not instinctively to
reject it, to consider to what lengths it might fairly carry them: for
why might it not equally be alleged as a sufficient plea for performing
every other act of profitable wickedness, which we might conceive,
though perhaps unjustly, would be performed by others if not by
ourselves. Let any one consider what would be the consequences of
admitting such a principle into the intercourse of nations.
Is this, then, a principle to which we will give our solemn sanction,
unless we mean fairly to avow that we have one set of religious and
moral principles for Africa, and another for the rest of the world?
Apply the principle to private life, and consider what would be its
consequences. But there happily the law of the land would soon interfere
to check its application. And here, indeed, from first to last, is our
misfortune in this whole business of the Slave Trade; that the
practices, for the abolition of which we are contending, are such, as by
the laws of every civilized community are punishable with death; but,
unhappily, there is no tribunal (no earthly tribunal) to which the
criminals are amenable. And is this a time above all others, and are the
present circumstances of nations precisely those in which such a
principle of conduct becomes the Imperial Parliament of Great Britain?
Or, if the reproach which has been cast against us be really true, and
we are only to be moved by an appeal to our self-interest, is this a
time when it is politic or even safe to avow such a principle, and to
inculcate such a lesson?
But how, it was indignantly asked, could this enormous evil be ever
eradicated, if every nation were thus prudentially to wait till the
concurrence of all other nations should be obtained? Let it also be
remembered that, on the one hand, no nation has plunged so deeply into
this guilt as Great Britain; on the other, that none could be so likely
to be looked up to as an example, if she should be the first decidedly
to renounce it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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