A Letter on the Abolition of the Slave Trade: Addressed to the freeholders and other inhabitants of YorkshireWilberforce, William
History
A Letter on the Abolition of the Slave Trade: Addressed to the freeholders and other inhabitants of Yorkshire
Wilberforce, William
Antislavery movements -- Great Britain; Slave trade -- Great Britain
Hence, doubtless, proceeds their being in some degree regarded, like
their fellow brutes, as below the necessity of observing towards others
the proper decencies of life, or of having these decencies observed by
others towards them. Hence, while Mr. Parke assures us, that in Africa,
adultery is not more frequent than in this country, we hear the most
respectable Colonists treat the very idea of introducing marriage among
the Slaves, in their present state, as perfectly hopeless or ridiculous.
Do we not here find the explanation of that strange phenomenon, formerly
mentioned, that while the prevalence and evils of dissoluteness are
universally acknowledged, scarcely any one thinks of applying that which
has already appeared from experience so safe, so appropriate, and so
beneficial a remedy?
[Sidenote: Inadequate legal protection.]
But it is time to pass to another most important particular, which, like
those already mentioned, is at once both cause and effect, both an
evidence and a consequence of degradation—the inadequate protection
afforded to the Slaves by the laws.
Here again let me not be misunderstood. It is not the matter of my
present complaint, that, from the inadequate penalties annexed to the
ill-treatment of Negro Slaves, and that still more from the evidence of
black and coloured men not being admissible, they are subject to the
restraints of civilized society, without being partakers of its
benefits. Much might be said, much has been said, to prove how
insufficiently they are secured by the laws against injuries and
insults. On the other hand, considerable stress, too has sometimes been
laid on the mildness of the penalties where the offences of Slaves were
to be punished, and still more on the laws which have from time to time
been passed for the protection of Slaves. The former assertion might be
but too effectually disproved, by appealing to various passages in the
Colonial statute book; and, where admitted, the lenity might be traced
to a cause less generous than disinterested humanity. It might have been
suggested to one of the most powerful of our colonial opponents, who
urged that capital executions of Slaves had taken place in very few
instances, that they might naturally be expected to be more rare, and
punishments in general more lenient, where men’s own property would
suffer from severity.
Concerning all laws for the protection of the Slaves, it might be justly
remarked, that so far as the protection of Slaves is concerned against
ill usage from all but their Masters, it was natural that the Slaves of
any man should be protected equally with his cattle, or any other
articles of his property; nor did the Slaves, any more than the cattle,
owe this protection to the humanity of the legislature. They were
protected merely like the rest of his substance.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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