A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The PeopleSpooner, Lysander
Philosophy
A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The People
Spooner, Lysander
Cleveland, Grover, 1837-1908; United States -- Politics and government
And yet this same Marshall has done more than any other one
man--certainly more than any other man within the last eighty-five
years--to make our governments, State and national, what they are. He
has, for more than sixty years, been esteemed an oracle, not only by his
associates and successors on the bench of the Supreme Court of the
United States, but by all the other judges, State and national, by all
the ignorant, as well as knavish, lawmakers in the country, and by all
the sixty to a hundred thousand lawyers, upon whom the people have been,
and are, obliged to depend for the security of their rights.
This system of false definitions, false assumptions, and fraud and
usurpation generally, runs through all the operations of our
governments, State and national. There is nothing genuine, nothing real,
nothing true, nothing honest, to be found in any of them. They all
proceed upon the principle, that governments have all power, and the
people no rights.
SECTION XXV.
But perhaps the most absolute proof that our national lawmakers and
judges are as regardless of all constitutional, as they are of all
natural, law, and that their statutes and decisions are as destitute of
all constitutional, as they are of all natural, authority, is to be
found in the fact that these lawmakers and judges have trampled upon,
and utterly ignored, certain amendments to the constitution, which had
been adopted, and (constitutionally speaking) become authoritative, as
early as 1791; only two years after the government went into operation.
If these amendments had been obeyed, they would have compelled all
congresses and courts to understand that, if the government had any
constitutional powers at all, they were simply powers to protect men's
natural rights, and not to destroy any of them.
These amendments have actually forbidden any lawmaking whatever in
violation of men's natural rights. And this is equivalent to a
prohibition of any lawmaking at all. And if lawmakers and courts had
been as desirous of preserving men's natural rights, as they have been
of violating them, they would long ago have found out that, since these
amendments, the constitution authorized no lawmaking at all.
These amendments were ten in number. They were recommended by the first
congress, at its first session, in 1789; two-thirds of both houses
concurring. And in 1791, they had been ratified by all the States: and
from that time they imposed the restrictions mentioned upon all the
powers of congress.
These amendments were proposed, by the first congress, for the reason
that, although the constitution, as originally framed, had been adopted,
its adoption had been procured only with great difficulty, and in spite
of great objections. _These objections were that, as originally framed
and adopted, the constitution contained no adequate security for the
private rights of the people._
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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