A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The PeopleSpooner, Lysander
Philosophy
A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The People
Spooner, Lysander
Cleveland, Grover, 1837-1908; United States -- Politics and government
And what is true of this country, is true of every other where
civilization exists; for wherever civilization exists, land has value,
and can be used as banking capital, and be made to furnish all the
money that is necessary to enable the producers of wealth to hire the
capital necessary for their industries, and thus relieve them from their
present servitude to the few holders of privileged money.
Thus it is that the monopoly of money is the one great obstacle to the
liberation of the laboring classes all over the world, and to their
indefinite progress in wealth.
But we are now to show, more definitely, what relation this monopoly of
money is made to bear to the freedom of international trade; and why it
is that the holders of this monopoly, _in this country_, demand heavy
tariffs on imports, on the lying pretence of protecting our home labor
against the competition of the so-called pauper labor of other
countries.
The explanation of the whole matter is as follows.
1. The holders of the monopoly of money, in each country,--more
especially in the manufacturing countries like England, the United
States, and some others,--assume that the present condition of poverty,
for the great mass of mankind, all over the world, is to be perpetuated
forever; or at least for an indefinite period. From this assumption they
infer that, if free trade between all countries is to be allowed, the
so-called pauper labor of each country is to be forever pitted against
the so-called pauper labor of every other country. Hence they infer that
it is the duty of each government--or certainly of our government--to
protect the so-called pauper labor of our own country--that is, the
class of laborers who are constantly on the verge of pauperism--against
the competition of the so-called pauper labor of all other countries, by
such duties on imports as will secure to our own laborers a monopoly of
our own home market.
This is, on the face of it, the most plausible argument--and almost, if
not really, the only argument--by which they now attempt to sustain
their restrictions upon international trade.
If this argument is a false one, their whole case falls to the ground.
That it is a false one, will be shown hereafter.
2. These monopolists of money assume that pauper labor, so-called, is
the cheapest labor in the world; and that therefore each nation, in
order to compete with the pauper labor of all other nations, must itself
have "cheap labor." In fact, "cheap labor" is, with them, the great
_sine qua non_ of all national industry. To compete with "cheap labor,"
say they, we must have "cheap labor." This is, with them, a self-evident
proposition. And this demand for "cheap labor" means, of course, that
the laboring classes, in this country, must be kept, as nearly as
possible, on a level with the so-called pauper labor of all other
countries.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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