A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The PeopleSpooner, Lysander
Philosophy
A Letter to Grover Cleveland: On His False Inaugural Address, The Usurpations and Crimes of Lawmakers and Judges, and the Consequent Poverty, Ignorance, and Servitude Of The People
Spooner, Lysander
Cleveland, Grover, 1837-1908; United States -- Politics and government
For quite a number of years after the discovery of gold in
California--that is, until the establishment of a government mint
there--a large part of the gold that was taken out of the earth, was
coined by private persons and companies; and this coinage was perfectly
legal. And I do not remember to have ever heard any complaint, or
accusation, that it was not honest and reliable.
The true and only value, which the coins have as money, is that value
which they have as metals, for uses in the arts,--that is, for plate,
watches, jewelry, and the like. This value they will retain, whether
they circulate as money, or not. At this value, they are so utterly
inadequate to serve as _bona fide_ equivalents for such other property
as is to be bought and sold for money; and, after being minted, are so
quickly taken out of circulation, and worked up into articles of
use--plate, watches, jewelry, etc.--that they are practically of almost
no importance at all as money.
But they can be so easily and cheaply carried from one part of the world
to another, that they have substantially the same market value all over
the world. They are also, in but a small degree, liable to great or
sudden changes in value. For these reasons, they serve well as
standards--are perhaps the best standards we can have--by which to
measure the value of all other money, as well as other property. But to
give them any monopoly as money, is to deny the natural right of all men
to make their own contracts, and buy and sell, borrow and lend, give and
receive, all such money as the parties to bargains may mutually agree
upon; and also to license the few holders of the coins to rob all other
men in the prices of the latter's labor and property.
3. The third provision of the constitution, on which the court relies to
justify the monopoly of money, is this:
The congress shall have power to borrow money.
Can any one see any connection between the power of congress "to borrow
money," and its power to establish a monopoly of money?
Certainly no such connection is visible to the legal eye. But it is
distinctly visible to the political and financial eye; that is, to that
class of men, for whom governments exist, and who own congresses and
courts, and set in motion armies and navies, whenever they can promote
their own interests by doing so.
To a government, whose usurpations and crimes have brought it to the
verge of destruction, these men say:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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